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Madam Speaker, I move that the 31st report of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts, presented to the House on Tuesday, November 7, 2023, be concurred in.
It is indeed an honour to rise in the House today to move concurrence on the report. Why is this important? Why should we be debating this motion?
This report refers to the Auditor General's report on chronic homelessness. It is truly a damning report on the state of the government's actions to address this issue in Canada. Why does this matter? Why does a report such as this matter to Canadians in my riding of Perth—Wellington and in ridings across the country?
It matters because those experiencing homelessness in our community are real people. They are family members, brothers and sisters, sons and daughters, mums and dads, friends and, in some cases, co-workers. Those experiencing homelessness have been let down by the Liberal government.
I want to provide a bit of local context in my riding of Perth—Wellington. Many members, many colleagues in our official opposition, spent the summer speaking and interacting with local families, stakeholders and municipalities about what they were seeing on the ground in each and every one of our communities.
I had the great pleasure to speak with stakeholders that are making significant efforts to address homelessness and the challenges in our community, such as the United Way of Perth-Huron. I spoke with folks at the local community food centre; I enjoy stopping by because I always feel as though I am walking into a giant kitchen and chatting with people around a giant kitchen table. I spoke to a couple of folks who were there enjoying the community meals; they could not afford the skyrocketing rents that they see in our communities.
Unfortunately, this is happening across the country, not only in large urban centres but also in small-town and rural communities, such as those in Perth—Wellington. Two short years ago, it would have been unthinkable that there would be encampments in such a place as Stratford or Listowel in North Perth. However, here in 2024, after nine years of the government, we see encampments in these small-town, rural communities.
This summer, I was able to speak with family members whose loved ones could not find a place to live, who lacked the supportive housing that was necessary for them to be able to excel and to survive in our communities. I spoke with service providers who talked about the long wait-lists to access the services they provide.
I spoke with those who provide food for those in need, and they are experiencing the challenge. At the same time as demand is up for their services, the ability of those in our community to give is down. It is down because money is tight and because it is a challenge to make ends meet. Unfortunately, there is a lot more month left at the end of the paycheque. That is the challenge we are facing in communities across this country.
I also engage regularly with municipalities that are ready and willing to do their part but, unfortunately, are not finding a partner in the government. I want to give one example, and that is the housing accelerator fund. Not a single community in Perth—Wellington received a cent from the housing accelerator fund, nor did most small-town and rural communities across this country.
One of the reasons for this is that small rural communities, such as the township of Mapleton, were considered large urban municipalities. Small-town, rural and farming communities with populations slightly over 10,000 were being lumped in with large urban municipalities, having to compete for funds against the Mississaugas, the Torontos, the Ottawas and the Hamiltons of the world.
These small-town, rural communities are desperate to do the work necessary to make sure that everyone has a roof over their head, but the challenge is that they are not eligible for these programs, because the government is making it impossible to access funds like large rural municipalities.
Someone else who knows about these challenges is the member from , with whom I will be splitting my time. As the shadow minister for housing, he came to Perth—Wellington this summer and spoke with key stakeholders about the efforts that we can make together to address the challenges of those experiencing homelessness. Unfortunately, the is asleep at the switch and is not putting in the efforts necessary to build the homes, so everyone has a place to call home.
Now that I have given the local context showing why this is important, I want to address the report itself: the Auditor General's fifth report addressing chronic homelessness in Canada. As I said, this is truly a damning report. The Auditor General found this: “Overall, Infrastructure Canada, Employment and Social Development Canada, and the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation did not know whether their efforts improved housing outcomes for people experiencing homelessness or chronic homelessness and for other vulnerable groups.” The government claimed to be investing, but it has no clue what is happening on the ground.
What is more, the Auditor General went on to say, “the department did not know whether chronic homelessness and homelessness had increased or decreased since 2019 as a result of this investment.” Finally, the report found, “Despite being the lead for the National Housing Strategy and overseeing the majority of its funding, the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation took the position that it was not directly accountable for addressing chronic homelessness. Infrastructure Canada was also of the view that while it contributed to reducing chronic homelessness, it was not solely [responsible] for achieving the strategy’s target of reducing chronic homelessness.”
We have federal departments and agencies claiming to be making investments to address the significant challenges of chronic homelessness and those experiencing homelessness in Canada, yet they have no clue what is happening.
In committee, Conservatives pressured the department to give us answers, and it took a second meeting. Finally, the deputy minister of Infrastructure Canada, Kelly Gillis, stated that the department had recently reported a 12% increase in homelessness in Canada. That is an increase for a government claiming that it will cut chronic homelessness in half by 2027. They are already starting with a 12% increase in this year, according to Infrastructure Canada.
However, if we look at the PBO's report from earlier this year, May 22, it states, “Since 2018, the number of homeless people has increased by 20%.” The PBO goes on to write, “the number of chronically homeless people...increased by 38% relative to 2018.” When we ought to see an effort to decrease chronic homelessness, the government has overseen a 38% increase in chronic homelessness since 2018. This is unacceptable to the families and loved ones across this country who are experiencing homelessness and losing hope that they will ever find a place to call home, a place with four walls, a safe place in a safe community.
This is unacceptable. The Auditor General has confirmed this, as has the report from the public accounts committee. Action that the government promised to take has not happened, and that is why we are moving concurrence in this debate today.
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Mr. Speaker, my colleague from mentioned that I had a chance to visit his constituency over the course of the summer for a couple of days. It was a great honour to meet the folks in his community who are working hard to address homelessness and affordability. Of course, it is shocking to see the number of homeless encampments that exist not just in big cities but also in smaller communities like those he represents. I will say that it is not like they were surprised to see him; he is an active, engaged leader in his communities and is well known for compassionate leadership, so I thank him for it.
I also thank him for moving a motion to concur in the report, because it is, of course, in many ways the issue of the day. The Auditor General tabled the report on November 5, 2022.
I have said before, and I am sure it is the position of everybody in the chamber, that Canada cannot reach its full potential until everyone has a safe, warm bed to sleep in at night. No human can reach their full potential unless they have a safe, secure bed to sleep in at night. In a country as rich as Canada, this cannot just be a dream. It should not be something we just work toward. We have to do better than that. It must be an achievable reality. As hon. members of the House, we see the most vulnerable all the time. We see them as we walk up the steps to Parliament Hill. This is avoidable.
Yesterday in this place we had a historic vote where the House unanimously declared that Canada is in a housing crisis that requires urgent action by the federal government to end homelessness. This is not hyperbole; there is a crisis. The unfortunate reality for too many Canadians is that the numbers prove that we are in a crisis. Since 2018, the number of homeless people in Canada has increased by 20%. The number of chronically homeless people has increased by 38% relative to 2018. This is what the Auditor General examined in the report: chronic homelessness and the Liberal government's failure to do anything to change it.
Chronic homelessness is long-term homelessness, meaning that someone was without a bed to sleep in for 180 days or more last year. What did the Auditor General have to say about chronic homelessness and the Liberal government's effort to do anything about it? On page 7, the report says that Infrastructure Canada, ESDC and the CMHC had no idea whether their efforts improved housing outcomes for people experiencing homelessness or chronic homelessness for other vulnerable groups. They did not know.
Page 8 of the report says that Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, as the lead on the national housing strategy, which we all remember was announced with great fanfare in 2017, spent about $4.5 billion of a $9-billion commitment, “but did not know who was benefiting from its initiatives.” CMHC also took the position that it was not directly accountable for addressing chronic homelessness.
In simple terms, Canada's Auditor General concluded that the Liberal government does not know whether the programs for which it announced billions of dollars of spending aimed at reducing chronic homelessness made any difference at all. What is worse is that CMHC, Infrastructure Canada and Employment and Social Development Canada were all of the opinion that not one of them was actually in charge or the lead on the file. They all pointed at each other saying that it must be the other as it was not them.
We can be clear. We know who is in charge; it is the . It is clear that he has failed Canadians when it comes to homelessness. Perhaps the most damning part of the report is that when the Liberal government was faced with the rise in homelessness as a result of its policies, it firmed up that it did not even think it was in charge. It said that there is a housing crisis. It is more than that; it is a crisis in leadership. It is an absence of leadership.
Again, in the Auditor General's report we learn that Infrastructure Canada spent $1.63 billion on reducing homelessness as part of its Reaching Home program, yet the audit found that the department did not know whether homelessness had actually increased or decreased during that time. Canadians must know what the Liberals and the gatekeepers do not seem to know: Homelessness is up under their watch, and we see it everywhere.
The Homelessness Services Association of B.C. found that 4,821 people identified as homeless in the Vancouver area this year, compared to 3,634 in 2020. That is a 32% increase, the highest spike between consecutive counts since reporting began in 2005. In 2023, the nationally coordinated point-in-time count in Nanaimo showed that the number of people experiencing homelessness has been steadily increasing, and since 2016 it has almost tripled.
According to the Affordable Housing Association of Nova Scotia, the number of individuals experiencing chronic homelessness in the Halifax Regional Municipality jumped from 119 in August 2019 to 879 in August 2024. That is an increase of a whopping 639%.
In Toronto and the GTA, as of May 5, there were 256 encampments on City of Toronto property. The latest Parks, Forestry and Recreation numbers from March 15, 2024, show that there were a total of 202 encampments recorded at 72 separate locations across the city. In 2023, there were 82 encampments at 24 sites.
It is not just the big cities. In northern Ontario, according to the “Report Card on Homelessness for 2023”, there were 237 people experiencing homelessness in Greater Sudbury, a jump of 164 people since 2022. According to that same report card, the number of encampments in Greater Sudbury jumped from 25 at the end of 2022 to 113 at the end of 2023. There are approximately 359 people on the by-names list of individuals at risk of or experiencing homelessness in the city of Timmins.
In Kelowna, there were a record number of deaths among the city's homeless in 2022. Between 2015 and 2020, the annual average number of deaths among homeless people was 143. In comparison, the annual average between 2021 and 2022 was 305.
These are damning statistics, but the reality of the people behind them is far more painful. They are not just numbers. They are human beings who our system has completely and abjectly failed.
When I was mayor of Huntsville, there was a housing crisis brewing already. We had done all kinds of things as a municipality, but in Parry Sound—Muskoka oftentimes homelessness is hidden. People are couch surfing or sleeping in vans. I will give the example of Lions Lookout, a beautiful spot in Huntsville where occasionally we would see a van parked overnight because somebody was staying there. Today, this happens with a lot more frequency; it is all of the time, and not just one van but multiple vans. Rental vacancy rates in Huntsville, Bracebridge, Gravenhurst and Parry Sound have been under 1% for almost a decade.
The government talks about affordable housing and homelessness, but after nine years, the situation is demonstrably worse. More than 235,000 people in Canada are estimated to be homeless, in core housing need. We are talking about people who are actually homeless. As to those who are not visibly homeless, there could be between 450,000 and 900,000 people.
All of this exists within the context of the government's national housing strategy, an $80-billion plan that was supposed to be life-changing and transformational, the said. We have seen the transformation. We have seen Canadians' lives change, and it is quite clearly not for the better.
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Mr. Speaker, I thought I would take this opportunity to highlight a few points that are absolutely relevant to the type of debate we are having here today and why we are having a debate on an issue that the Conservatives actually selected.
First and foremost, the issue of homelessness is one with which the government of the day has been seized for a good period of time now. As strong as the will is from the , cabinet and my colleagues as a collective to push this file forward, one of the things that we need to recognize is that the federal government cannot do it alone. It requires a high sense of co-operation from a wide spectrum of stakeholders. This is not a new issue to us, but apparently it is a relatively new issue to the Conservative Party of Canada.
The question I asked the member for was, in all sincerity, about why the Conservatives have chosen to raise this issue today, given that they have not demonstrated any interest in the subject matter itself. I asked the member to give one example of something that the had done when he was minister of housing. When we talk about the housing issues, Canadians and individuals following this debate, whether today, yesterday or going into the next election, need to know that the individual who was an absolute disaster on the housing file is today's .
I posed a question to the member for , who, no doubt, would have done his homework in presenting the motion that he presented today, asking him to give me one example of what the did when he was the minister of housing to deal with the issue of homelessness. What did he say? He said that taxes were low. That was the response about the minister of housing responsible for the development of any form of national housing, including dealing with the issue of homelessness.
The member could have given another example because, in fairness, the former minister did actually build six houses when he was the minister of housing. I know it is not an impressive number. There might have been some that was left over from a previous minister. I do not know for sure. However, I do know that, on the issue of housing and homelessness, the leader of the Conservative Party was found wanting, and that is to put it nicely and in parliamentary language.
Today, the member for has been instructed by the 's office to continue to filibuster. The member for Perth—Wellington has been the one chosen to bring forward this report, for which there was a 20-page response from the minister dealing with the report that provides all sorts of details. However, the Conservative Party, in its hunger for power, in its thirst to do nothing but focus on trying to gain power and ignore the needs of Canadians, has decided once again to use a particular issue to justify filibustering to prevent legislation from passing in the House of Commons.
This is our first week back. We just had summer. We all met with constituents. What do our constituents want? They want members of Parliament to be working together to receive good, tangible results for Canadians. They know it is a minority government, but there is an expectation that the official opposition will at least have some interest in taking actions that would also support Canadians.
On Monday, we talked about the Citizenship Act. There are people in Canada who should be Canadian citizens. We thought this was non-controversial legislation until the Conservatives started debate on it. They made it clear they are not going to support it, and then they brought in a concurrence motion to prevent that debate from taking place. What happened the following day, on Tuesday? The Conservative Party brought forward motions to prevent debate, just like they did again yesterday.
The example from yesterday is really good. The Conservative Party supports Bill for military court reform. In essence, it is for women who have been harassed or raped within the military. As opposed to going through a military court, they would go through a civilian court. That is the essence of it. Everyone in the House supports it. We all do, but the Conservatives brought in yet another motion of concurrence. That one, by the way, deals with housing. We have actually had that debate. We will see a lot of repetition of that today, but that is the concurrence report that they brought forward, even on a day when we were debating legislation that every member of the House of Commons supports.
In fact, late yesterday, when we were able to get onto the legislation, the , who was present and listening to the debate, at the conclusion of it, asked if there would be unanimous consent to let the legislation go to committee, but no. The Conservatives said no to that.
That is what today's debate is about—
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Mr. Speaker, I absolutely will. I know the truth hurts. What I am saying is no doubt upsetting a lot of Conservatives, not only those inside the chamber, and especially Progressive Conservatives. I can appreciate that because they have to follow the direction coming from their . The MAGA right has more control over the Conservative Party today than the Progressives do by far, and that is why we often hear from the Conservative right and the Conservative reformers.
I started off by talking about the issue of homelessness and why the Conservative Party, in particular its , does not necessarily believe in the issue. He is using it as a mechanism to filibuster government legislation, and I am expanding on what I mean by making that statement, which is totally relevant as to why we are debating what we are debating today. That is why we have this concurrence report. It is not because the Conservative Party is really interested in the issue.
Let me give the Conservatives a bit of a saving grace. Let us say that they were interested in debating this issue. People who are following the debate would know the Conservatives are the official opposition, and every session, they get a number of opposition days. In fact, next week they have an opposition day. They can take the entire day, as opposed to three hours, because this debate will ultimately be adjourned, and have a motion to deal with the issue and then get a much stronger, more focused debate.
The Conservatives have had dozens of opposition days in the last number of years. Have they raised this issue once? I have been here for every opposition day motion, from what I can recall, and I cannot remember the Conservatives ever bringing up the issue of homelessness. I can remember them talking about the price on pollution. I know they do not support the carbon rebate because that is something they amplify every time they get an opposition day motion.
What are the Conservatives talking about next week? It is not homelessness, yet they believe they can come in here and bring in a motion using a concurrence report to talk about an issue they like to tell Canadians they genuinely believe in. Maybe some of the more progressive members of Parliament on that side might genuinely believe in it. I suspect there are members who honestly want to improve the conditions of people who are homeless.
However, that is not what is driving the Conservative Party today within the House of Commons. I believe I can clearly demonstrate that to be factual and true. All one needs to do is look at some of the things I have said that show the Conservative Party of today is more interested in bumper stickers and slogans, as well as trying to deceive Canadians through social media and beyond. That includes on the issue of homelessness, as they try to say homelessness is up, and that is sad to see. Governments of all levels are working together to deal with that in a tangible way.
If members want a good sense of what the government has been up to on the file, there was a report tabled and there was a response to that report. Every member has access to that response. Did any of the previous speakers make reference to the 20-page response? There would have been great detail, and I will go into some of those details if time permits. However, I cannot recall any comments coming from members opposite that responded to the minister's response to the report we are talking about today.
Members want to talk about housing. No government in the last 50, 60 or 70 years has invested more in housing than this and this government. Whether the Conservatives like it or not, that is a fact.
We continue to work with provinces, territories, indigenous people and other stakeholders to improve housing conditions in every region of this country, because we understand the importance of housing. It is one of the reasons we doubled our efforts, with finances and resources, to support initiatives that will make a difference on the issue of homelessness, especially when it is a chronic situation. As a parliamentarian for over 30 years, I have witnessed this in every year of being a parliamentarian. I understand the role that provinces and municipalities play, that the federal government plays and that the many different stakeholders play.
For those following the debate, we are talking about other stakeholders, and there are some fantastic organizations out there. I have talked in the past about Habitat for Humanity. I could easily talk about the many housing co-op organizations too. Many faith groups have been a driving force in building low-income, non-profit housing. However, let there be no doubt that it is the responsibility of all stakeholders to come together and work on the issues that Canadians have to face today, and that includes Ottawa. We have been at the table and we have demonstrated leadership. Those are not empty words. There is no one inside the House of Commons who could indicate a government that has spent more money on housing than this government has over the last eight to nine years. As a government, we are committed to housing Canadians.
Interestingly enough, periodically members will talk about housing co-ops. Earlier this week, because we had a concurrence report dealing with housing and homelessness, I indicated that I am a very big fan of housing co-ops. I understand the benefits of housing co-ops. It was Pierre Elliott Trudeau's government that initiated, for the first time, federal government investments in housing co-ops. The Willow Park Housing Co-op happens to be in Winnipeg North. I believe it is the oldest housing co-op in Canada, possibly even in North America. It came into being in the late 1960s.
This government has advanced and promoted the issue of housing co-ops because it is a wonderful alternative that needs to be invested in. All one needs to do is take a look at the demographics and benefits. In a housing co-op, one is not a tenant but a resident, and there is a big difference between the two. Someone asked me once, “What do you mean, resident or tenant?” The easiest way to explain it is that someone is a part owner. If a person is in a co-op and wants to paint the walls blue in their unit, they can do that, but they cannot necessarily do that as a tenant.
There is no profit being driven through a co-op to the degree that we see in the private sector. We find that the costs and rents are substantially lower, especially if someone has been in a co-op for an extended period of time. Many co-op units are actually subsidized through government.
This leads me to non-profit housing units. Traditional non-profit housing units are seen in all federal governments. Even in Stephen Harper's government, there was financial assistance going directly from Ottawa to provinces to ensure that we could maintain and support people in non-profit housing units. A certain percentage of their income would go toward rent payments, based on income.
If we want to resolve the issues of homelessness and housing today, we need a strong national government that recognizes its important role, and we have that. We also need to recognize that it takes more than just the national government.
That is why the was in Winnipeg with the mayor, premier and other politicians talking about the accelerator fund; it was a fund that was making a difference. With the Liberal agenda and the co-operation and assistance of provinces, territories, indigenous people, different communities and the many non-profits that are out there, we have an ambitious plan to see literally several million homes built over the coming years.
We have a tangible plan that includes working with different levels of government and that will make a difference and deliver for Canadians. Meanwhile, the Conservative Party of Canada, the far-right reformers, the MAGA Conservatives, do not have a plan. All they talk about is slogans, bumper stickers and, wherever they can, character assassination. They bring out the negative side of politics. From both my perspective and, I believe, a vast majority of perspectives, Canada is not broken, unlike what the tells Canadians. Canada is the best place in the world to live in and to call home.
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Mr. Speaker, since I did not have the opportunity to do so earlier during questions and comments, I want to begin by commenting on the speech that the member for just gave. I was extremely surprised. Right now, we are talking about the homelessness crisis, which is closely related to the housing crisis, but to hear the member for Winnipeg North talk, it sounds like he does not think that he has done anything wrong. What is more, he was angry. I was wondering how he could be so angry, but then I figured that he must be angry at himself, since, after all, it is his party that has been in office for nine years. It turns out that he was actually angry about the questions he was being asked.
That is pretty bad. It is quite disappointing. I wanted to mention that because we are experiencing a crisis and it seems as though the Liberals are unable to to face the mess they have made, that they are unable to see that part of the problem may have been caused by the government in Ottawa. They are unable to see that, if this problem has not been solved, it could be their fault, not that of the opposition parties. Our only responsibility is to propose solutions. We are doing that all the time. The problem is that the government does not listen to us.
I would like to begin my speech with an anecdote. We just had a by-election this week in the riding of LaSalle—Émard—Verdun that the Bloc Québécois won. Louis‑Philippe Sauvé was elected. He has not been sworn in yet, so I can say his name. This is an historic win for the Bloc Québécois in a riding in Montreal's West Island where there is a strong anglophone presence, a riding that was considered unwinnable for the Bloc Québécois. This time, we won.
I think I know why we won. It is simple. I helped out my good friend by going door to door. We had the chance to talk to all sorts of people. One of the things that kept coming up was the housing crisis, of course, but also homelessness. Generally, when the Bloc Québécois talks about immigration, this automatically seems suspicious, especially to the Liberals. We are not allowed to talk about it. It is taboo.
When I knocked on one of the doors, an immigrant answered. Surely his thoughts on immigration cannot be considered suspect. This immigrant told me that it does not make sense, that perhaps there are too many immigrants. Some might say he is racist, that he is anti-immigrant. He also told me he does not feel safe anymore because there is a lot of homelessness and there are a lot of people around banging on doors. He told me that he feels ill at ease, that he had left his country because he did not feel safe there but then ended up finding it was the same here. He told me he was even thinking of moving, of leaving his area. I find that particularly interesting.
By way of background, LaSalle—Émard—Verdun is a riding in Montreal's West Island, not in downtown Montreal. The area of the riding where I spoke with this person is LaSalle. It is in the most westerly area, about 10 kilometres from downtown Montreal, maybe even 15 kilometres. It would take about two and a half hours to walk there. This means that there is a homelessness problem two and a half hours from downtown Montreal, because it is rare for a homeless person to drive a car. This is serious. The government says it is not to blame. I think we have every right to wonder, especially since CMHC and National Bank economists have indicated that Canada has fallen into a demographic trap. Why am I talking about a demographic trap? I know I will be accused of blaming immigrants, but no, it is not the immigrants' fault. It is the government's fault for not properly managing the arrival of these people, for letting too many people enter the country and not building enough housing, which is all having an impact on our public services.
Obviously, it is this government that is responsible for our borders, that is authorizing people's entry and that is not providing enough funding for housing. That, too, is a problem. The government, which is waging jurisdictional battles to prevent the Government of Quebec and the municipalities from deciding for themselves how to manage their own affairs, is imposing all sorts of conditions and is always coming up with new programs so that it can have ever more control over what is happening at other levels. Even though the federal government is the one creating the problems, it thinks that it is going to be the one to implement solutions in areas that do not fall under its jurisdiction.
I am putting myself in the shoes of a mayor who sees the federal government impose new municipal rules that the mayor will have to adopt if they want to get money. That is what the Conservatives and the Liberals are proposing. I do not know what the NDP is proposing. If I were a mayor, I would tell the government, which is making a mess of things, to start by fixing its own problems with tools from its own tool box. It seems to me that, before telling others what to do, we need to set an example and do a good job ourselves. If that were the case, we would be able to tell the federal government that it is inspiring and is doing a good job. We might be more inclined to listen to its arguments.
However, from the perspective of mayors and municipalities, having a chaotic federal government tell them how to manage their affairs while failing to manage its own hardly inspires confidence. This government is telling them how to run their cities.
When we talk about homelessness, obviously there is a link to be made to immigration, the housing crisis and the lack of construction and funding for social housing. The reason I make all these links is that generally the first victims of a housing crisis are people who do not have a home. In general, who are the people who do not have housing? Those who leave their country to come live in Canada do not have housing. Then there are the young families hoping to get established and move out of their parents' home. Those families may have housing, but not the kind they want. If they are still living in their parents' basement, they are going to think twice before starting a family of their own. This is certainly not a life goal or an aspiration. These are the people affected by the housing crisis.
How do people end up homeless? Often the people who are hardest hit by a housing crisis are those with fewer financial resources, those who are less fortunate. When house prices, rents and interest rates spike, these people are the first to find it impossible to pay for housing. They are the first to end up on the street.
I will give a few examples of situations we are seeing these days. I travel from Quebec every day, because that is where I sleep. I prefer to support the Quebec economy. When I come to work in Canada's Parliament, I take the highway, and I cross roads and bridges and see new things all the time. I have been fortunate to be an elected member and to represent my constituents for almost nine years now. Nine years ago, we did not see tents set up on the side of the highway. Nine years ago, we did not see homeless people everywhere, even just a few metres from Parliament. It is truly a scourge. It is a serious symptom of the lack of housing and affordability, and it is creating problems that will persist over time.
Once a person ends up on the street, it is hard to get out. Once people are on the street without a fixed address, they wash less often than they would like, eat less well, and pay less attention to what they wear. Finding a job is hard. Who wants to hire someone with no roof over their head? It slowly begins to affect them mentally and physically. Their health deteriorates. It is a persistent problem. Even if the housing crisis suddenly ended, even if there was suddenly plenty of housing for people experiencing homelessness, it would unfortunately be very difficult to get them off the street. Like it or not, the impact on their lives will linger on.
It also creates a less appealing set of economic and social circumstances for people trying to buy goods or walk on the street. It damages the social climate. It is bad on all fronts. That is why urgent action is needed.
I talked about what would happen if these housing units magically got built. I will quote a few figures. The Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation published a report a year ago. We do not know where things stand in 2024, but in 2023, the report concluded that Quebec alone is short 1.2 million housing units. The same 2023 figures report that Quebec built nearly 40,000 housing units in 2023.
On the one hand, there is a shortage of 1.2 million homes. On the other hand, 40,000 homes were built. If we divide 1.2 million by 40,000, that means it would take 30 years to build all the housing we need, and that is just to put an end to the current housing crisis. That does not take into consideration the fact that, over those 30 years, new people will be arriving who will also need housing. At this point, it is almost hopeless. We cannot expect the federal government to wave a magic wand and stick its nose in the business of municipalities, and that in two or three years' time, 1.2 million units will be built.
It takes people to build these homes. It takes people who go to school, who are trained, who are certified, who have experience. It takes companies, equipment and people to finance these homes. It takes capital. We cannot just step outside and start building houses. It takes a lot of investment, time and skill. It is going to take time to increase the pace and build all these homes. It is not going to happen by trying to tell cities how to manage the situation. It will happen by working in collaboration with the Quebec government, for example. It is a matter of having discussions to find out what is going to happen.
That is a good thing, because we are seeing greater awareness, an awakening at all levels. We do not need to rely exclusively on the federal government to solve this problem, although we know that a great many of the reasons behind the problem can be traced back to the federal government. Every year, more than one million people come to Canada. One million is a lot of people. It amounts to almost twice the population of Quebec City entering Canada every year. It is mind-boggling. That is a lot of people. We need to house all these people. That puts a lot of pressure on the housing stock. These people naturally want a place to live, and they should have one.
When we have record numbers of temporary foreign workers, asylum seekers and international students pouring in, it becomes a problem. It is important to listen to what people on the ground are saying. The Quebec government keeps repeating that it has reached its capacity to deliver services. It is maxed out. Quebec cannot take it anymore. It cannot do any more. When Quebec says that, the federal government accuses Quebeckers of being a bunch of unwelcoming racists. The fact is, we want to welcome people, but in order to do so, we have to be able to offer them a place to live. How can the government say we are not welcoming when we simply have nowhere for these people to live? Does anyone really think that welcoming people and forcing them to live on the street is our nation's dream? The current system is not working. We need to welcome people properly. We have to give them good opportunities in life. The current situation does not reflect well on Canada on the international stage. Obviously, Canada's mismanagement is also affecting Quebec's image because we are stuck in this country, which is keeping us on a leash.
I find it disheartening to see a government that, despite all this, continues to blame others. It says it is not its fault, that it is the opposition's fault. We agree with the government to a certain extent on that point. There is a growing awareness that Quebec welcomes 50% of asylum seekers, even though the province represents only 20% of the population. It is only makes sense for the other provinces to offer to take in their fair share. Everyone says Quebec is unwelcoming, yet it welcomes 50% of Canada's asylum seekers. Consequently, it asked the federal government for help. After months of pressure, the federal government said it might talk to the other provinces. Four provinces said absolutely not. So much for the great Canadian federation. Everyone is supposed to get along, co-operate and work together. The federal government is certainly not doing that, and lately, neither are the other Canadian provinces. They seem to be saying that it is not their problem and that Quebec should deal with its own issues.
What is Ottawa going to do about it? That is the question on everyone's mind. Will Ottawa force the other provinces to take in more people? Will Ottawa decide to stem the flow and reduce the influx?
That might be a wiser solution. I think that is what I am getting at. This is where the government has to listen to reason. At some point, it has to be accepted that too much is too much. Once the numbers subside a little, we are left to face the whole issue of people who are still on the street. What do we do with them?
It is going to take a record investment and a lot of leadership to take charge of the situation. The more time these people spend on the street, the harder it becomes for them to leave it. It becomes increasingly hopeless, and the cost to society only keeps growing. We must therefore act fast to take charge of people living in the street, so we can help them.
I would like to discuss another aspect. Earlier on, I talked about the federal government meddling in municipal management. Let me explain how that happens. Certain infrastructure agreements provide partial funding for municipal infrastructure. This specifically includes the TECQ program, or the gas tax and Quebec’s contribution. Other programs, known as bilateral agreements between the Government of Quebec and the Government of Canada, ensure that funds flowing through Quebec can be transferred to the municipalities.
The 2014-18 Canada-Quebec agreement allocated several billion dollars. I do not remember the exact number. What I do remember is that part of the agreement was different from the agreements with the other provinces. Ottawa really does not like it when Quebec does not do exactly the same thing and it negotiates for itself a bit. In the Quebec agreement, a special clause stipulated that the money that was not spent under the 2014-18 agreement could be carried over and used in subsequent phases, under future agreements, in other words, the following agreement that covered the period from 2018 to 2024.
In that agreement, $350 million that was supposed to go to municipal infrastructure had not yet been spent at the end of 2018. I asked the minister, who comes from Atlantic Canada, about it in committee. He said that the government would not respect the agreement nor keep its word, that it would keep the money, put it in the consolidated fund and the provinces would not get it.
The amounts set out in this agreement were negotiated and distributed equally based on the number of inhabitants, the percentage of the population. In short, the minister said that he did not feel like giving Quebec that money. He asked why Quebec's agreement was a little different from those of the other provinces. He said that he did not agree with that and, even though he signed the agreement, he would not honour it. That is how things work at the federal level. We have a trusted partner that does not keep its word. Because of that, $350 million were never paid out to cities in Quebec, even though they were entitled to it. Quebeckers pay taxes to Ottawa the same as every other taxpayer, but their share has been stolen from them. That is one of the government's ways of doing things.
There is also the gas tax, which I mentioned earlier. Part of the money collected from that tax is redirected to what is known as the Canada community-building fund. Let us compare the last agreement, the one for 2018 to 2024, to the new one for 2024 to 2028. When we compare the total amount that cities are entitled to and the federal contribution to the fund in both agreements, we see that the federal government is contributing 30% less. That means that cities will be entitled to 30% less under the new agreement compared to the previous one.
The mayors are starting to call to find out what is happening. They say that they are having problems because of the housing crisis and because of extreme weather events such as torrential rains. While they are having all these problems, including homelessness of course, the federal government is telling them that they will be receiving less money for their programs.
That is what the federal government is saying. During the pandemic, it recognized that there was a deficit, and it paid more money. Earlier, it recognized that there was a municipal infrastructure deficit, and it paid more money. However, that funding was not renewed, and now the municipalities have ended up with a shortfall.
Here is what the federal government decided to do instead. In the last budget, it came up with something new, the $6‑billion housing infrastructure program. That much-vaunted $6 billion will be conditional on letting Ottawa dictate the zoning rules for the cities.
Rather than allocate the money to existing programs and improve funding for programs like TECQ, which works well and is appreciated by the cities, Ottawa keeps coming up with new programs to create new opportunities for interference. That is how Ottawa works. That is why we do not want—