Historical Perspective
British Precedents
Committees of the British Parliament have
existed in some form since the fourteenth
century. [1]
The
precursors to the first parliamentary committees were the individuals selected
as Triers and Examiners of
petitions, [2]
and the
earliest duty of committees, as we know them, was to draw up legislation to
carry into effect those prayers of petitions to which the Crown had acceded. By
the middle of the sixteenth century, committees formed part of the regular
machinery of parliament, modifying or “improving” legislation to
which the House of Commons had agreed in principle. Committees had their own
meeting room in the palace of Westminster and committee practice had acquired
many of its modern characteristics, including the more relaxed rules governing
debate, the right to appoint sub-committees and the right to summon witnesses.
However, the House was always careful to exercise control over, and
responsibility for, those matters it referred to committee.
At that time, there were two sorts of
committees: large committees of 30 to 40 members, and small committees of up to
15 members. The large committees, often composed of different classes of members
(professional, regional, functional), were struck to consider substantive
matters. In the beginning, they were always classified as “special”
committees, that is, bodies created for a particular purpose and disbanded as
soon as that purpose was discharged. Over time, some of these large committees
were given sessional orders of reference (or mandates) which remained in effect
for the duration of a session. As “standing” committees, they were
charged with an area of responsibility, such as the consideration of a class of
bills or a particular department of House
business. [3]
By the
middle of the seventeenth century, a fairly elaborate system of standing
committees was in place, and that system remained virtually unchanged over the
next two centuries. [4]
The smaller committees, composed of only
those members who had been specifically named by the House, became known as
“select” committees. While any Member could attend select committee
proceedings, only those specifically named to the committee by the House could
participate in the
deliberations. [5]
By contrast, it became common in the large
committees to allow whoever attended to participate in the discussion. As the
practice of allowing any Member to speak in a large committee evolved, they came
to be known as the “general” or “grand” committees.
Ultimately, the membership of these committees equalled that of the House itself
and they were referred to as Committees of the
Whole. [6]
Grand
committees became the preferred forum for the consideration of “bills of
great concernment, and chiefly in bills to impose a tax, or raise money from the
people… to the end there may be opportunity for fuller debates, for that at a
committee the members have liberty to speak as often as they shall see cause, to
one question…” [7]
Britain’s revolutionary Long
Parliament
(1640-60), [8]
which
assumed all the powers of administration and government on behalf of the
Commonwealth, effectively did away with grand committees and ruled by means of
small committees. Committees of the Whole were seen to be “highly
inconvenient”, affording as they did equal debating rights to the
opposition. [9]
With the
Restoration, [10]
Parliament, in 1661, once again reverted to grand committees to consider its
most significant orders of business and, by 1700, it had become common to
examine bills in Committees of the Whole House following second
reading. [11]
Over the
years, various committees on reform continued to suggest that legislation again
be referred to the small committees; however, the House continued to prefer the
greater openness available in the larger forum.
Pre-Confederation Procedure in Committees
Contrary to the United Kingdom practice in
the nineteenth century, where the majority of committee work was carried out in
Committees of the Whole, the legislatures of Upper and Lower Canada regularly
referred bills to select committees for
consideration. [12]
In
fact, the standing committee system in the two Canadas, as it evolved, more
closely resembled the committee structure of the American colonial legislatures
and the United States Congress than that of the British
Parliament. [13]
A
fairly sophisticated system of committees emerged over the
1830s.
In 1831, Lower Canada began appointing a
number of standing committees (i.e., committees having an on-going mandate) at
the beginning of every session. Somewhat later, in 1836, the Assembly of Upper
Canada appointed 12 select standing committees, touching virtually all matters
of government business, a departure from its usual practice of nominating ad
hoc or special committees as the need
arose. [14]
Committees afforded Members of the
Legislative Assemblies a degree of independence from the Executive and reflected
their desire to involve themselves more directly in government affairs. For this
reason, the Executive Council of Upper Canada discontinued the practice of
appointing standing committees following the 1837
rebellion. [15]
Similarly, the government of the United Province of Canada (1841-66) refused
initially to institute a system of standing committees, contending this would
compromise the principle of responsible
government. [16]
Development of the Rules Respecting Committees of the Canadian House of Commons
The rules respecting committees of the
House of Commons in the new Dominion of Canada were inherited from the Province
of Canada, and were essentially the same as those used in the legislature of
Lower Canada prior to the Union Act,
1840. [17]
Efforts
at reform, both before and since Confederation, have continued to reflect either
the desire to improve the efficiency of the legislature, or the perpetual
struggle to alter the balance of power between the legislature and the
Executive.
Of the original Standing Orders adopted in
1867, few were directly concerned with standing or special committees. The rules
did not list which committees should be struck, nor specify their powers,
procedures or the authority of the Chair. They did, however, deny committee
membership to any individual who had declared against the matter under
consideration. [18]
A
feature of British parliamentary practice since at least the time of Queen
Elizabeth I, this rule was not rescinded in Canada until
1955. [19]
From 1867 to 1906, the list of House
standing
committees [20]
was
established by way of a motion adopted during each session of each Parliament,
usually in the first days following the Speech from the
Throne. [21]
In 1906,
the House included in the Standing Orders, for the first time, a list of
“standing” committees which the House had decided should be
appointed in every session, although even these committees were active only when
the House specifically ordered them to consider a particular
matter. [22]
Special
and joint committees, whose number and mandate varied from one year to the next,
were also established during the course of each session. Also in 1906, the House
instituted a committee of selection charged with nominating the standing
committee membership. [23]
Due to the considerable size of most
committees in the early years of Confederation (some had over one hundred
members), and the rule that a majority of the membership was needed for a
quorum, the larger standing committees experienced considerable difficulty
gathering together enough members, on a regular basis, to meet and transact
business. [24]
Consequently, over the years, the size of standing committees declined, falling
as low as 15 members during the Twenty-Sixth Parliament (1963-65) and rising
again to 16-18 members in the Thirty-Sixth
Parliament. [25]
On the
other hand, the number of House standing committees grew from 10 in 1867 to 25
in 1986, falling back to 17 in the Thirty-Sixth Parliament (1997- ). [26]
Despite the fact that a standing committee
structure was established at Confederation, for the first hundred years, most of
the committees did not actually meet from one session to another and most House
business was transacted on the floor of the Chamber, often in a Committee of the
Whole. [27]
The House
repeatedly considered enhancing the role of standing committees, particularly in
relation to the study of Estimates. On several occasions, Members expressed
concern over the lack of detailed scrutiny the Estimates received in the House
and suggested they could be studied more effectively by first referring them to
standing and select committees for consideration. A proposal to this effect was
referred to a special committee in February
1925. [28]
Although the
proposal was not endorsed by the committee, the issue continued to be raised in
the House. In July 1955, the House agreed to a motion providing for the
withdrawal of the Estimates from the Committee of Supply and referring them to
standing or special
committees. [29]
In
1958, the House added a Standing Committee on
Estimates. [30]
In
1964, a Special Committee on Procedure and Organization further proposed that
the Main Estimates be referred automatically after tabling to the standing
committees. [31]
In 1965, the Standing Orders were modified,
on a provisional basis, permitting standing committees to examine the
Estimates. [32]
However, it was not until 1968 that the House agreed to a permanent
restructuring and reorientation of the committee system. Under the new rules,
the Main Estimates would be tabled and referred to the standing committees by
March 1 of each year, to be reported back (or deemed reported back) to the House
by May 31. As well, provision was made for standing committee consideration of
all bills (other than those based on Supply, and Ways and Means motions) after
second reading. [33]
In 1982, the House again appointed a
special committee to review the Standing
Orders [34]
and
proceeded to implement several of its recommendations on a provisional basis.
Among the most significant changes were those automatically referring the annual
reports of departments, agencies and Crown corporations to standing committees
and empowering the committees to initiate their own studies or investigations
based on the information in those
reports. [35]
Early in
the subsequent Parliament (1984-88), the House agreed to retain the provisional
changes [36]
and struck
yet another special committee to inquire into the efficacy of all aspects of
House procedure and
administration. [37]
This committee made recommendations to enlarge the scope of committee mandates
to give standing committees “broad authority” to look into and
report to the House on any matter which was relevant to the departments for
which they were responsible; to create a committee structure which reflected, as
much as practicable, the organization of
government; [38]
and to
establish a Liaison Committee, consisting of the Chairs of all standing
committees and appropriate Chairs or Vice-Chairs of joint committees, charged
with the allocation of committee
budgets. [39]
Provisional changes to the Standing Orders in 1986 incorporated the majority of
the Committee’s recommendations relating to committees; these changes were
made permanent the following
year. [40]
The
House’s standing committee structure was readjusted in 1991 and 1994,
reflecting changes in government
organization. [41]
Apart from these reorganizations of the
committee system, there have been two other significant changes to committee
practice since the McGrath Committee reforms, both aimed principally at
enhancing the profile and effectiveness of committees and backbenchers. In April
1991, the House agreed to allow committees to broadcast their proceedings within
guidelines established by the Standing Committee on House
Management; [42]
in
1994, [43]
the rules
were again amended to permit the House to appoint and/or instruct a committee to
bring in a bill, and to refer bills to a committee before second
reading. [44]
The
intent of these changes was to give ordinary Members an opportunity to
participate in policy development before the government had committed itself to
a particular legislative
initiative. [45]