:
The reality is that the residents of Jasper—those who have lost their homes; the family members of those who are putting up people who have lost their homes, and the friends and the neighbours who are doing just the same; and those who have lost their businesses and their entire livelihoods and are probably currently battling with insurance companies over all of this, along with dealing with potential legal and accounting fees—are waiting for answers. They're waiting for some sort of solace that we can do better in the future, and I think they believe that we must do better in the future.
Obviously, in any tourist community like Jasper, local businesses are the lifeblood of the economy. Where I'm from is much closer to Riding Mountain National Park, where I was just a few weeks ago, and that is the most important part of the community. The vitality is sustained by all of the jobs created locally and those they bring in, both for jobs and for research. That's what makes our national park communities so important.
In my view, Jasper's residents need leadership right now. They need to understand what happened and how it will be prevented from ever happening again.
I'll be blunt. From talking to my colleague from the region in particular and some people on the ground there, I know there are families who still don't know where they're going to live and who don't have direct, immediate friends and family they can post up with for what is going to be a lengthy period of time.
Small business owners there are at a loss. They're stuck. They have no revenue. They don't know what to do. They don't know whether they have the confidence to rebuild in the community. As I said earlier, they're battling with insurance companies.
I don't want to call it insurmountable, because I believe in Canadian entrepreneurship. I believe in Canadian people. It can be overcome, but it is extremely difficult. We not only need to recognize the moments of that fire overtaking that community but we also need to respect the aftermath of it and the impacts it has had on all of the individuals I've just mentioned, and even on many of the tourists who want to go there and have booked trips and had things changed.
The people of Jasper are trying, and they will get back on their own two feet, but we need to do everything we can to support them, particularly after acknowledging that we didn't do everything we could to prevent this catastrophic fire from happening.
We are told that there is a plan in place from the current government and that the federal government is working with provincial and municipal governments and indigenous partners, which is excellent news. I think it's fantastic to hear that those efforts are being undertaken, but like any other government program or project, I'm always a bit skeptical of the timeliness of the execution of that plan. We need to see that plan in action.
In my view—and this is the reason for my subamendment to this motion—we need to hear directly from the who has now been appointed by the current as part of that effort to understand what happened and, more importantly, how we can rebuild that community and protect them from having this ever happen again. We need to hear directly from the minister on how we are going to see a rebuild happen.
I'm not looking for vague announcements, news releases or even backgrounders or written statements. I want to see and hear directly from the , and I think all Jasperites do. I think members of this committee, broadly speaking, all reasonably want to hear what concrete steps are going to be taken and what that is going to mean, in terms of real timelines, to the people who are dealing with this devastation in real time.
The people of Jasper simply need to know how the federal government is going to support them and how this recovery process will be coordinated, and that we as parliamentarians know where the pressure points are to apply the necessary pressure to ensure that it happens swiftly and that this isn't some forgotten disaster where the people who were directly impacted will just be lost to time. Mr. Chair, the fact of the matter is that time is critical on this particular topic.
We have heard, and I do appreciate the comments from the and the government more broadly that this recovery for Jasper is a priority, but, as we all know, actions speak louder than words. Words mean very little to people who are dealing with such distress—financial, family and otherwise.
We are hearing that , if December 4 is his earliest appearance opportunity, is too busy to attend this committee. Listen, if that means that Minister Boissonnault is spending all of his time on the ground, talking to small business owners, talking to councillors for the community and talking to individuals who have been left homeless and, frankly, anybody else who has been impacted by this devastation, then I might be willing to accept that. Thus far, I have not seen any evidence that that is the case. To me, it's not acceptable.
In my view as a parliamentarian, as somebody who has done, among my colleagues, a thorough, important, valuable and timely investigation into this matter, I think his appearance is essential, to put it mildly. It's not just for the people of Jasper but for anybody who's seen this issue online or on TV, or heard it on radio or anywhere else and thinks that this is important. These are my fellow Canadians facing real, substantive challenges, and I want to see the outcome of it be real, be quick and be what we would expect of a government that was negligent in its responsibilities.
My understanding is that the has been given the title of ministerial lead for Jasper. Obviously titles are important, but the question must be this: Is that minister leading, or is this a show? Is he merely sitting idly by? I would love to hear it from him, whichever Randy wants to show up. His role should be about coordinating support, ensuring that the resources are flowing into the community and, most importantly, ensuring that Jasper's recovery is moving forward at the pace that the people on the ground deserve.
As far as I can tell—and I'll look to my colleague from the region to perhaps make comments after—the people of Jasper are very much still waiting for answers on many critical fronts. What is the plan to support the local businesses that are struggling to get back on their feet with the loss of tourism or the physical devastation of a fire to their particular business or something related to their business? How much financial assistance is making its way into the hands of those who need it most?
Broadly speaking, what is the federal government doing to ensure that Jasper remains on the front burner, that it isn't pushed to the back burner, that there's reconstruction and rebuilding of this notable, glorious national park? I have had the pleasure of visiting it, and I think many Canadians have. It is an iconic national park. Is it staying on the front burner, and will it forever? I think these are very reasonable questions.
Perhaps more importantly, as we heard through our investigation, with the fire coming from the south, there are still many, many dead pines standing within the national park. We are facing potential devastation with the wrong direction of winds in the rest of the community, the other two-thirds that was left standing. What is Parks Canada in particular doing to address these very real concerns?
In my view, the only way to address these issues, given that we've had a minister appointed responsible for the lead of Jasper, is to hear from that himself, so I think it's entirely reasonable that we ask this committee to convene to bring forward these very questions and to find out what he has discovered, recognizing that he is a relatively new minister to the file—not that he may have never been to Jasper, but this is a new role.
We're weeks on now, and if the importance of this issue is as paramount as the government has claimed it to be, then the direction to one of the Randys is to go and understand the issues that are facing this community. I think it's entirely reasonable that at this point we get an update that Minister Boissonnault is relatively up to speed in terms of the impact that he has witnessed in his travels and engagements with the community.
Second, where are we with the plan to help Jasper rebuild? I think we need to understand the specific details of those recovery efforts. We might not be the experts around this table, but we've certainly heard a lot about the challenges that led up to this.
It's important to provide a public platform to enable to provide the specifics, not just vague promises. In my view—and I think I can say this for my colleagues, at least—this is not the time for delay. The people of Jasper, particularly those who have been directly impacted, need and deserve answers, and they need and deserve them now.
Now, in my view, 's appointment here was an important step. I think it's a very real recognition of the devastation that has been caused to that particular community of Jasper. However, it is only a step. If we are going to take this with the seriousness it deserves, there are most definitely numerous steps needed, and they need to be taken in collaboration with locals. That's his job. I would love to hear directly from him how that is going. I think it is entirely reasonable.
This is not a matter of politics. It's a matter of lives and livelihoods—the ones that were lost through this devastation—and the opportunity to rebound into the future. It's a matter of understanding where Parks Canada went wrong and adjusting for the future.
I couldn't imagine being put in the position of experiencing a fire, personally. My family has been in the position of experiencing floods. I don't want to compare the two, but fires are simply devastating. Everything's lost, from your family photo albums—even if you had them on a USB or an old laptop—to the storage unit of your business and any aspect of your life we could all dream up and imagine. If what we owned, loved and lived disappeared, it would be devastating. To me, it's one of the most devastating possible natural disasters. That's not to minimize the impact of floods, but there's something more to it.
In my view, we shouldn't have to wait until December 4 for to show up. Again, Mr. Chair, I would be happy to hear that on Mondays and Wednesdays, when this committee meets, Minister Boissonnault is on the ground in Jasper just talking to people. Perhaps his office could provide a response to clarify that, in fact, on Mondays and Wednesdays he is in Jasper.
:
This was the job that was appointed to do. I will give credence and credit that he is new at it, but I don't think it's unreasonable, given the time crunch and necessity, for him to come and offer some sort of an update.
We know that governments are often slow to respond in general, and in particular to natural disasters. I've seen this repeated over numerous circumstances over the years in my own home municipality and in many municipalities that I represent. I think we probably all have, in some way, shape or form, seen delays on a DFA claim from the province going to the feds and been waiting for the DFAA claim to come through, with debates on whether or not the receipts for the projects and the work undertaken were eligible or not eligible and disputes between various levels of government.
The reality is that at the end of the day, there is only one taxpayer. Whether they're paying provincially or municipally or to this big behemoth of a federal government, there is only one taxpayer, and I think we owe it to them to be as nimble, responsive and responsible as possible with those dollars.
That's why I think it's entirely reasonable to not wait a month to have here as soon as possible, with the allowance that if he is in Jasper, I will accept that he can't be here that day. We can't just keep pushing back his appearance because we're worried about political optics, because the individuals in Parks Canada once debated on whether or not they should do prescribed burns. I do believe, in a fully non-partisan sense, that every member of this committee and, I think, of the government, does want to see this recovery move forward in as expedited a manner as possible.
I can only imagine that if your business had burned and remained closed, if you remained displaced with your family and if you were watching delays in Ottawa, you would be frustrated. I don't think it's reasonable to blame any of those individuals impacted for being frustrated. I think it's reasonable to say that the people of Jasper are counting on us, as opposition, to hold the government accountable and to demand answers, but, more importantly, to collectively make sure that the community is not forgotten, is not left behind.
I'd like to call on all members of this committee, regardless of party, to vote in favour of this amendment to make sure that we don't just push back all of the other work we've been doing in this committee to try to make this issue go away. I think it is very reasonable that the appear in mid-November once we are back from our Remembrance Day ceremonies that we are all going to travel to across the country, rightly and, hopefully, properly honouring all of those who have served in our armed forces.
I'd like to think that we could do it before the date that has been proposed. We still, as far as I can tell, Mr. Chair, have not seen a confirmed statement of attendance, and I always get worried when they say they are going to attend but, as we get closer, something comes up. I think that's a tactic that is regularly undertaken by those who want to avoid any accountability, and in my view it is time for the to appear.
:
Thank you. I think we could have had this wrapped up a little bit quicker if we hadn't had some members from the government side shut down and adjourn debate on this. I think we could have wrapped this up long ago, and perhaps we could have gotten here much earlier. I think that would have been a fantastic opportunity for us to show cordiality and really come together and understand that we want to have the best.
Importantly, the second reason I am moving this subamendment is that, broadly speaking, I do have serious concerns about the prestudy of Bill . I understand that there are certain stakeholder groups that want us to conduct a prestudy as a priority to them. I also understand that we don't know when the next election is going to be, and people want to have legislation that they care about dealt with prior to that.
Listen, I understand that, Mr. Chair, but the reality around this table is that none of us knows when that next election is going to come. There are rumours circulating around this place, around Parliament Hill and on social media that the may prorogue Parliament at any time, and all of our committee's work will be thrown out.
In the House of Commons, you can move a motion to bring back to the House of Commons all of the legislative agenda of the government and potentially a private member's bill if they so choose, but all of the work that we have done as a committee is lost; it's gone.
What worries me is the idea of doing a prestudy on Bill . In my view, it's frankly absurd. Also, in my view, and I think reasonably in the view of anybody who's an observer of this committee or of politics broadly, it appears to be an effort to put on the back burner the many other ongoing and important pieces of work this committee has been undertaking for the past many months in the hope that they may never have to be dealt with.
Now, Mr. Chair, I'd like to quickly outline some of the work that is outstanding at this committee.
We had a meeting that we debated a lot about afterwards on how we deal with reports or a letter from the five, I believe it was, oil and gas CEOs. Whether we like their appearance or not, they came, and we should, in some way, at the request of the committee, as previously done, highlight what that appearance meant and what they said, and then report that back to the House, which I believe was the motion previously passed.
Towards the end of the summer, we all flew back from our respective ridings a bit early, for one or two meetings, I believe. That carried on at the start of our session here into September, following the federal government's edict and egregious government overreach, which would put mills and entire communities out of business when logging is prevented from happening in the vast—
I would rather take 30 minutes to explain why we should do things more promptly than take days, weeks and months and do nothing. I am happy to take a half hour of time to do better than the current trajectory of this Liberal government. I will take no issues with 30 minutes. In fact, I might go an hour. It might even be worth it.
The reality is that I cannot support the amendment as proposed, as I mentioned, without including this subamendment. I think we need to finish, perhaps, first and foremost.... I did outline many issues that are very important to Canadians of all stripes and of all regions, but the devastation that Jasper saw is, in my view, personally at least, the top priority. That's why I have moved the subamendment.
Collectively, I think the evidence is overwhelming. The Liberal government, in trying to move a prestudy on Bill , is making a direct effort to change the channel from its failures in Jasper and from its failures for Quebec workers and, broadly speaking, taxpayers.
Bill was tabled in June. It has had a grand total of zero seconds of debate in the House of Commons. I'll come back to why that is very important. Just as importantly, I have never once seen Bill C-73—perhaps my colleagues can correct me—on one of those schedules of what is going to be coming up for debate in the House of Commons. For those who don't know, there's something called the Thursday question, where members of the official opposition ask the governing party what the agenda for the week ahead will be. The Thursday question response, as far as I can tell and have experienced, has never once included Bill C-73, so I don't believe this is actually a priority for the government. It might be a political priority, but it has not been proven to be in any way, shape or form a legislative priority, where the government is using its House of Commons time to actually move this forward.
Let me tell you why this matters, Mr. Chair. Case law, as it relates to ministerial statements, is vital. In our democratic system, there is a principle that Parliament holds the authority to both scrutinize and debate legislation in the House of Commons prior to its moving to the committee stage. This includes what I think is a critical moment, or often 20 minutes of a moment, where the minister presents the bill, explains its contents, its purpose and its objectives in the maiden speech for that legislation in the House of Commons.
In my view, we must respect the procedural order of Parliament. This ensures that members of all political parties have the proper context and the full information necessary to engage in meaningful deliberation when it gets to committee, to ask reasonable questions of the expert witnesses which this and every other committee brings before it.
I'm not saying this to make an allegation that a prestudy has never been done before, that it's entirely this new idea, but in this context, it is a rather novel strategy. The minister has not spoken to this bill at all. Not one second, beyond tabling, has been dedicated to this legislation. When you look at LEGISinfo—
:
Thank you, Mr. Chair. I appreciate that.
It actually happens, I think, more frequently in the Senate after it's been through the House of Commons.
Now, prestudies on an issue are one thing. Pre-budget consultations are an example. I'm not looking to say this is entirely new, but the idea of a specific piece of legislation amending a current act without any specific direction.... I will get to why I think this is very important.
I think that you, Mr. Chair, as a lawyer, will actually appreciate this.
As I was saying, when you go to LEGISinfo, which is on the parliamentary website, where you look at the actual text of the legislation—and we are lawmakers; our job is to read and understand what the text of the words on the page of the law are—there's a big tab right beside it that says “Major speeches”. The first of the major speeches is the minister's maiden speech, and there is good reason for it.
Parliament has recognized that the role of that speech provides incredibly necessary context. Just as importantly, from a legal perspective, in any future legal proceedings, that is what a judge will look at: What was the intent by the minister of the Crown, the government, in moving forward with that legislation?
It doesn't matter what Branden across the way says. It doesn't matter what I say. It matters what the intention of the bill was. None of us—no Canadian, no parliamentarian—has seen what that intention is. We could read it in a silo, but that doesn't change our lack of understanding of what the government is trying to do with this legislation.
In my view, the normal process is first reading, tabling, second reading, maiden speech, debate, debate, debate and then it comes to us. The proposal to prestudy this in such a unique and novel way contradicts that process.
I want to underscore my position using relevant case law—
I will save these important arguments that we, as parliamentarians, have an obligation to consider when we decide whether or not we are going to move forward with a prestudy. I will save that for the main thrust of the amendment. I appreciate that I have perhaps veered a bit away from the subamendment, and I will reserve some of these pieces for later.
I will wrap up by saying this subamendment matters to people. I look forward to hearing from my colleague from Yellowhead, because I know he has talked to many people on the ground who are frustrated. I won't repeat the many reasons, but we all know why they are frustrated.
I will refrain from going into too much detail about why, from a parliamentary history perspective and a normal, typical legislative perspective, we should not entertain the idea of Bill , other than to say, most importantly, as it relates to the subamendment, that we have a duty to Canadians to not hide the work we've done for months and months, whether it is bad for the government or good for the government. It shouldn't really matter. However, I don't appreciate it when the government wants to hide things.
As it relates to the Jasper wildfires, this is something that's devastating, not only to that community but to anybody who has visited there and had the opportunity to experience that beautiful national park and the hospitality of the people who live, work and play within it.
I hope my colleagues from all parties agree that it is entirely reasonable to pass my proposed subamendment, which would ensure that doesn't delay this forever and that he comes here and provides an update to our committee so that we can wrap it up and have a fulsome study to report back to the House.
I will pause there, Mr. Chair.
Thank you.
The 28 days ago appointed as the minister responsible for Jasper's recovery. Twenty-eight days ago, Randy Boissonnault should have been here testifying at the Jasper wildfire investigation. If Minister Boissonnault is in charge of rebuilding Jasper, why is he not prioritizing this committee and the people of Jasper? I think it's a disgrace to the people of Jasper that Minister Boissonnault is hiding from this committee. There are many reasons Minister Boissonnault may not want to appear at this committee, and I'm going to list a few.
Over the course of the Jasper wildfire investigations Canadians have been exposed to some damning testimony and evidence that suggests this government was grossly negligent in protecting Jasper. On September 26, testified at the Jasper wildfire investigation. He claimed that Jasper's wildfire preparedness was a success, but he also told this committee that he was briefed on the serious likelihood of a catastrophic fire in Jasper. Instead of taking responsibility for his department's actions and lack of actions, he avoided answering the questions Canadians were asking. In response to his appearance, the National Post wrote an article with the following headline: “The environment minister repeatedly evaded questions about the federal government's response to multiple warnings of the potential for a catastrophic forest fire in Jasper”. How true.
The Jasper wildfire investigation also revealed that senior Parks officials were discussing cancelling prescribed burns in western Canada months before Jasper burned. In an email exchange obtained through an access of information request, a senior Parks Canada official asked, “At what point do we make the organizational decision to cancel...prescribed burns in Western Canada?” Then the official stated, “political perception may become more important than actual prescription windows.”
This email exchange was black and white. It was crystal clear what was being discussed, but instead of taking responsibility, this government claimed that everyone but them was misinterpreting this email.
They said this was a discussion about mechanical removal, but nowhere in the email was this mentioned. In fact, it was another Parks Canada official who verified our concerns through another email exchange that was obtained. Another senior official responded to that email and stated, “I hope we don't get into a blanket shutdown,” and, “It is critical to continue those kind of burns. It is how they maintain the [community firebreak], and when they fall behind, it is very difficult to catch up.”
It wasn't just Conservatives raising concerns with this email. It was Parks Canada's very own officials too. Was aware of these discussions?
On October 2, the admitted at the Jasper wildfire investigation that he was unaware the 's officials were discussing the cancellation of prescribed burns. He later refused to admit that Parks Canada should have removed more dead trees to protect Jasper. During that meeting, Minister Guilbeault's senior vice-president at Parks revealed that he does not take any—I can't believe I'm reading this again—minutes at their operations meetings when asked to hand over evidence to the Jasper wildfire investigation. I can't believe that. You don't take any minutes. No matter, you can't prove anything. How convenient. It's actually quite frankly absurd too.
When asked how many dead trees remained standing in Jasper, Parks Canada could not answer this basic question. It was for these reasons that the National Post published an article the following day. The article stated, “Steven Guilbeault doesn't want your Jasper fire questions—he's saving the planet, don't you know”. It further stated, “Guilbeault self-congratulated his record on fighting climate change in general and attacked Conservatives for not doing so. More jabs, no insight into how fire mitigation measures were or were not taken as the dry timber piled up.”
On October 7, the Jasper wildfire investigation revealed that 's department turned away multiple fire trucks and firefighters who arrived on the scene to help. Later that day, the Jasper wildfire investigation revealed that Minister Guilbeault's department handcuffed Alberta from making firefighting decisions as over 30,000 hectares burned. Was Minister Boissonnault aware of these decisions?
A headline in the National Post stated, “Alberta's deputy premier slams 'unified command' snub by feds during Jasper wildfire”. By this time, the Jasper wildfire investigation was proving that the Liberal government was not only incompetent in protecting Jasper; it was negligent.
Another newspaper headline read, “Federal negligence at root of Jasper's wildfire devastation”. Wow.
Another article stated:
...federal Environment and Climate Change Minister Steven Guilbeault claimed that Ottawa could not have done better either before or during the fire.
At any suggestion that Ottawa was lacking, he trotted out climate change as the true culprit. It was clear more than once that a big ugly fire in Alberta is a great boost for his climate agenda.
Focusing on climate also turned—
:
Thank you, Chair, for that clarification.
Another newspaper headline read, “Federal negligence at root of Jasper's wildfire devastation.”
Yet another article stated:
...federal Environment and Climate Change Minister Steven Guilbeault claimed that Ottawa could not have done better either before or during the fire.
At any suggestion that Ottawa was lacking, he trotted out climate change as the true culprit. It was clear more than once that a big ugly fire in Alberta is a great boost for his climate [change] agenda.
Focusing on climate also turned minds away from serious questions about Ottawa's performance as the power in charge of both prevention and firefighting.
On October 9, the Jasper wildfire investigation heard damning testimony from a forestry expert who warned the Liberals in 2017 that the Jasper wildfire was not a matter of if, but when.
Ken Hodges stated, “Nothing was done to address the landscape of...beetle-killed timber to prevent the megafire”.
He also stated, in a written submission to this committee, “Someone needs to take responsibility and be held to account for this calamity of errors and not blame other parties or climate change for the fire. Government and [P]arks [Canada] screwed up big time, [and] they ignored the issues.”
God bless Ken Hodges.
He then asked, “Was the inaction by [P]arks [Canada], knowing the issue and concerns, that created this catastrophe a criminal act?”
Even the CBC was sounding the alarm over this damning evidence. In an article published on October 10, a CBC headline read, “Wildfire could have been avoided with proper planning, witnesses and experts say”. Shortly after this, the Edmonton Journal published an article with the headline, “Trudeau's wildfire strategy: Permit old, dry, decaying forests and blame climate change”.
Chair, the only ones playing politics with this matter are the Liberals, who want this investigation to end. That's why they shut down a meeting to prevent a vote on our motion to summon the former environment minister, Catherine McKenna. Minister McKenna was warned in 2017 about this deadfall in Jasper. She should be appearing at this committee with .
On October 23, the Alberta Forest Products Association revealed that they also had warned that a fire in Jasper was inevitable if the Liberals did not act. was at the cabinet table. He needs to answer for the government's inaction.
At the same time, at the same meeting during the Jasper wildfire investigation, a local Métis leader revealed that the Liberals did not build a proper fireguard around the town of Jasper. She testified, “There wasn't an appropriate fireguard put in place.” Are the Liberals going to criticize indigenous leaders for sounding the alarm on Jasper? What does have to say about this?
Canadians were shocked to learn that at least one Parks Canada employee was fired for speaking out against the mismanagement at Jasper National Park, according to the former MP for the region. Another headline from a CBC article read, “Parks Canada employee terminated after voicing concern, former MP testifies”.
Day after day, new evidence—
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair. I appreciate the opportunity to speak to this.
I would just start by saying that emergency meetings are to be used in emergencies. While we are 100% in a climate emergency—and I think some of the members of this committee agree with me on that—calling this meeting does not fall into the category of that requirement, especially given that we have the environment commissioner appearing at this committee—agreed to by all members—on Wednesday of next week at our second meeting. To have an emergency meeting to discuss whether or not the environment commissioner is going to appear seems a little bit presumptuous, or at least a little bit premature, especially given that in less than one week we'll have an opportunity to discuss these with him.
I'd also just question the genuineness—if I can use that word, if it's a word—of some of the members to actually hear from the when, instead of filibustering two of the previous three meetings, we could have had the minister here. He wanted to come to talk about Bill , so I welcome the friendly amendment from MP Sauvé to add the Bill C-73 study.
I have an amendment to that, as well, because I would like, for the Bill study, to be a little bit more rigorous and to include, perhaps, multiple days to look at Bill C-73 specifically. I'd also say that, five times in the last two or three weeks, I've tried to pass a similar.... I'm sorry. I think I was confused.
I will be moving a motion to add Bill , if Mr. Sauvé's amendment doesn't already include it. Again, despite opposition from the Conservatives and the NDP, I've been trying for weeks now to move a motion to look at Bill C-73 and have been blocked. It's disappointing, because I don't think that biodiversity is such a contentious or partisan issue. I think we all agree that we need to protect species that are endangered by the triple threat of pollution, climate change and the loss of biodiversity.
I also call into question.... I know that Mr. Deltell is sincere when he talks about his desire to lower emissions and fight climate change. He will repeatedly say that Canada is not on track. However, by many measurements, we are indeed on track, and we are only on track because of the over 100 measures undertaken by this government to reduce our emissions. Indeed, it is irrefutable that our emissions are now lower than they've been since 1997 and that they would have been 41% higher than they are today had we not undertaken these over 100 measures.
These over 100 measures have been voted against by Conservatives every step of the way for the last eight or nine years. When asked pointedly if they have alternative measures that they'd like to propose to lower emissions, to hold oil and gas to account, to electrify, to decarbonize and to reduce our impact on the environment, they use one word: “technology”. In some ambiguous way—
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
Thank you for the point of order, Mr. Leslie.
As I was saying, over 100 measures have been undertaken by this government to lower our emissions and, in every step of the way, the Conservatives have tried to block them. They voted against these measures, while not proposing any alternative measures to lower our emissions. It's pretty rich to hear from the Conservatives that they feel as though we're not on track, despite evidence to the contrary—that we are on track to lower our emissions to the proposed 40% to 45% mark by 2030.
They are lower than they've been since 1997. The year Connor McDavid was born was the last time our emissions were this high. That's good news and something that we can all celebrate. Innovations—from transport to construction, agriculture and even oil and gas—have allowed them to be this low. I would say that the innovations put forward by the oil and gas sector and the energy sector more broadly have not been sufficient, because they continue to go up, but the sector has been innovating and lowering its emissions to some degree, or at least its hypothetical ones. They could be a lot higher.
Among the over 100 measures undertaken by this government that the Conservatives have continually stood against and voted against are ones that have earned a Nobel Prize in economics, such as carbon pricing, but also our clean fuel standard; our phase-out of coal—it's astonishing that the Conservatives should stand against that—our plan to have net-zero emissions by 2050 with our Federal Accountability Act; our clean growth program; our zero-emissions vehicle initiative, which has seen record growth, particularly in provinces that also have a zero-emissions vehicle standard; our investments in renewable energy; our investments in carbon capture, utilization and storage; industrial carbon pricing in the oil and gas sector; our investments in green buildings and energy efficiency; our home retrofits; and our efforts to reduce plastic waste pollution.
In fact, this one draws particular ire, given that the Conservatives have brought forward a private member's bill entitled the “bring back the plastic bag” bill, because they just can't seem to remember their cotton bags when going to the grocery store, I guess. Also, their boycott of Tim Hortons and its plant-based lid experiment was another hilarious move by the Conservatives.
There are also nature-based solutions for climate change, subsidies for green innovation, working towards international leadership and developing those relationships, commitments in collaboration with other jurisdictions, funding for climate adaptation, our work on green energy and green job creation, electrification of public transit, sustainable agriculture, hydrogen strategies and our work on environmental, social and governance initiatives, an acronym that the Conservatives just love to hate—ESG. I don't know why they keep bringing witnesses here to suggest that ESG is a bad thing. We should focus on the environment, sustainability, better governance and social programs that support people.
Once again, Mr. Chair, we have the commissioner of the environment coming to this committee on Wednesday. We did not need to have this emergency meeting to discuss this. We have time in the committee to discuss it.
It's particularly disappointing that the prestudy on Bill for biodiversity—to ensure that we have accountability in that regard—has been continuously blocked by the NDP and the Conservatives. I don't know why it needs to be so contentious. Instead, the opposition has been filibustering these meetings, wasting time and then calling an emergency meeting on a Friday of a non-sitting week—
:
Thank you. That's what I understood as well.
My point in the debate is that it is hardly an emergency motion if we're now talking about an amendment that puts the study brought forward by Standing Order 106(4) into the new year. My question is this: Is this really an emergency debate? Why couldn't this have been done next week, especially when we already have the commissioner coming on Wednesday? Also, why are the Conservatives wasting House resources and time, once again, to put forward a motion that, other than Mr. Deltell, they clearly have no interest in?
I say that because we know the increase in emissions.... If anything, our shortfall in reaching our goals has come from the oil sands. Every time we talk about any policies that curb pollution from the oil sands, most members of the environment committee try to change the debate and don't want to talk about it. They want to talk about other things. In fact, they even opposed the cap on pollution, which addresses the biggest cause of what's happening, which is pointed out in the commissioner's report.
I would like to make a subamendment to the amendment, Mr. Chair. We currently have a motion, and then we have an amendment. I'd like to make a subamendment to the amendment that was made. After “provided that the committee has considered and adopted the draft report on the committee's study of the climate impacts on the Canadian financial system before that date”, I would like to add the words “and that the meetings be focused on ways to meet our targets”, and then continue on.
I'm sure everybody on this committee is very concerned—I know the NDP and the Bloc are—about meeting our emissions targets. This emergency is really about meeting those targets. This should be focused on ways to do that, not simply investigating the policies the Conservatives would like to say are not working.
I'd be very happy to have members of the Conservative caucus give us some ideas on how to curb emissions from the oil sands.
:
Thank you, Mr. Chair. I do.
Apparently the scope of the debate on this subamendment is fairly broad, so I'd like to refer to the commissioner's report that was put out. I'm sure everyone has it in front of them, since that's the subject of this motion.
You can see that emissions have come down, especially when you look at emissions intensity and the growth in our economy, other than the recession in 2008, which was during the Conservative administration and which took quite a while to recover from. There was a drop in emissions, but then they started to come back up again.
It's only since this Liberal government's policies have been put in place that you've seen a reduction of any sort, and this is with a growing economy, which obviously has an impact on emissions.
With all due respect, Mr. Deltell, if your concern is truly about meeting our emissions targets and the emergency is that we are not going to meet our emissions targets....
I know the NDP would agree with this, because they're very concerned about the oil and gas sector's emissions. We know from this report that the oil and gas sector is the only sector that is continuing to increase emissions, and they're coming primarily from the oil sands. I'm sure the NDP would also be in favour of making this a very focused effort, because the emergency is the climate crisis. What we should be focusing on as members of Parliament and what we should be using this time to do is working collaboratively to come up with suggestions for how we can confront that climate emergency.
I would be very interested to hear Mr. Kram's and Mr. Leslie's suggestions for how we could fight climate change and what more we could do to actually meet our emissions targets. I think putting this small subamendment into the amendment, which simply says we should focus on the problem here and not continue to politicize things....
Our problem is meeting our emissions goals, and yes, I agree that we have not made enough progress. It's in the report, and I agree, but we are making progress. It is the first time in our history that we've done that, and it's certainly something that would not have happened if we had listened to the , who's suggesting right now that the only thing we should be doing is investing in technology. In fact, we are investing in technology and we are doing other things.
I know Ms. Collins and the NDP have abandoned making polluters pay through our price on pollution program, but trying to make sure that the oil and gas sector is actually held to account and that we find creative solutions and ways of working together so that we can reduce emissions is very important. I would even say this emergency meeting may be justified if, in fact, that's what we're trying to do. If we're trying to work collaboratively to come up with ways to expedite the reduction of emissions, this is probably a good thing, but it's not the sense I get from the committee.
I hope the Bloc and the NDP can see through what's being done. I agree 100% with the Bloc that the important study we're doing on sustainable finance, which Ms. Pauzé put forward, should be completed first. We're in the midst of that, and it is an incredibly important part of aligning the financial sector with our climate goals. I'm all in favour of that.
In addition to that, I think we should specify—if we're going to move forward with this motion—that the work we do here in committee is actually to find solutions and not just to point fingers, because this government has done the best job of any government in reducing emissions.
Is it enough? No, it's not enough. Ms. Collins reminds me of that often. I'm happy to have her here supporting us, knowing she also wants to fight pollution.
I hope all of us can come to the consensus that the emergency is truly the climate emergency and that what we should be doing in this study that the Conservatives have brought forward is working together to find ways to meet our targets. That would be worthy of study, and I think it should be done after this study on sustainable finance.
This subamendment simply says we should put a focus on this study and make sure that we're talking about what matters here and what we all want to see, which is having the polluters pay and reducing our emissions in order to make Canadians healthy. Let's agree on that. Clearly, that's what this motion is talking about, and it's what Mr. Deltell clearly said in his preamble, which we can go back and look at.
I think Mr. Deltell is on board with this as well. I think we can all move forward in a direction to show the Canadian public that we can work together and that what we want to do is make sure our planet is healthy and that we take care of the health of Canadians and the health of our environment as well as the economy. We can do that by all coming forward with really great ideas to reduce emissions, to fight pollution, to make polluters pay and to ensure that Canada does excel as one of the best in the G7.
I am obviously speaking in favour of the subamendment, which adds that component to this motion, and I hope that all of those here on this committee, virtually or in person, who want to do the same, who want to ensure that we have progress, will support the subamendment.
Thank you.
I want to say thank you to Ms. Taylor Roy for some of her comments about the climate crisis generally. I think we are in a climate emergency, and the oil and gas sector is the sector that is driving up our emissions. As much as the Conservatives might not want to admit it, that is a fact.
That said, the government is the one responsible for regulating this industry and putting in place the policies that would drive down our emissions. A strong emissions cap and all of these things are vital if we actually want to drive down our emissions generally, and specifically in the oil and gas sector.
I'm not sure how I feel about this subamendment. Honestly, I think the report from the environment commissioner is damning. It is heartbreaking. As much as the government wants to claim that it is a climate leader, we are not on track to meet 40% to 45% by 2030. We have six years, and the report lays this out very clearly. We have six years to do the majority of the reductions that we need to meet our 2030 targets. This is an emergency.
I'm hesitant, honestly, to support the subamendment, mainly because I think there's a bit of redundancy. The report talks about emissions reductions, and I think there will be an opportunity to talk about the things that we can do to reduce our emissions. I think the report itself is something that we do need to focus on, and we do need to, ideally, have the government come to terms with the fact that it's not on track, that Canada has the worst record in the G7 for emissions reductions, and that we've had unreliable emissions reductions estimates. There have been transparency issues. All of these things are really important for us to cover. I'm hesitant to have a government that wants to try to avoid those conversations.
That said, I think it's really clear that the oil and gas sector is responsible for the bulk of our emissions. It is the sector that is emitting more than any other sector. The government, unfortunately, with the emissions cap, has decided to give them a watered-down policy that allows them to continue emitting. It doesn't actually force them to bring down their emissions in the way that we are relying on other sectors to reduce their emissions. These are companies that are making record profits right now.
I have to say that in part I am also a little bit hesitant to support what the Liberals are bringing forward because Mr. van Koeverden and Ms. Taylor Roy said false things about my positions on Bill . I fully support a study on Bill C-73. I've been reaching out to Liberal members, asking that we try to work together to get this motion passed, to stop the Conservatives from filibustering. I've been trying my best to get this committee to function. I am feeling a little bit frustrated with Liberal members, as I have been reaching out and trying to figure out a way to actually dig into these really important issues.
I hope that on Monday, if we have committee business, we can pass a motion on Bill . It is a prestudy. That bill is not coming to committee any time soon, but I would like us to dig into it.
I think part of me is wary of this subamendment because I see the Liberals trying to avoid accountability so often, but I am still mulling it over, to be honest.
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
Mr. Sauvé, I will reiterate that I am in support of the amendment you made and Ms. Pauzé's position. The study we have been doing on sustainable finance is very important, and I believe we should finish it. Aligning our finance with our climate goals is part of how we can meet our emissions targets.
What I tried to do in my subamendment was to not change the study we are doing but to add to it so that it can be positive and so that we can look at other ways in which we could, in fact, meet our climate targets. After looking at the commissioner's report, we're acknowledging that there are shortfalls. We're not denying that.
Ms. Collins, to your point, we have the report from the commissioner of the environment and sustainable development. We know that there are shortfalls. We know that there are issues. We want to address those just as well. I think you have some great ideas to add to what we can do.
I welcome your comments on the cap on pollution. We're in a bit of a quandary because of the provincial jurisdiction on this. I would love to hear from you and from members from the Conservative Party on the ways in which we can actually put this in place in such a way that it's not interpreted to be a cap on production and therefore enters provincial jurisdiction. I think it would be a really fruitful discussion.
I'm not saying that we not look at what the commissioner of the environment and sustainable development has said. I'm saying that we look at it, but let's make this useful and not just criticize. Let's talk about how we actually solve those problems. That's what we're here to do. We're here to work collectively to make this a better place.
I want to clarify as well, Ms. Collins, a point you raised earlier on this subamendment with regard to my comment on the NDP now not supporting the price on pollution program. It is factual that the NDP did reverse their position on making all polluters pay by saying that you do not want the price on pollution, or the carbon levy, to be applied to consumers, so you have changed that position. I'm not making something up. I was simply saying that you have changed your position on that.
I know that on biodiversity we're both concerned. We know that biodiversity goes hand in hand with climate change. I think Mr. van Koeverden's amendment to include a reference to that, which hopefully we'll get to and at some point be looking at, is also important. I'm putting this forward because I want us to be focused on results and not just on politics and laying blame. If the Conservatives are truly concerned with the Government of Canada's position on reaching our emissions targets, I am sure they would want to work with us to come up with solutions.
I know that's what the NDP does want and what the Bloc wants. I know that there are members of the Conservative Party who also want that. Let's use our time wisely to actually look at what's happening in that report. We've all seen it. We can all read it. We've seen that and we all accept it, but let's also move forward and actually make real progress, especially for the young people of Canada who desperately want to see us address this issue.
I'd appeal to you that I'm not trying, in any way, to change the focus to some shiny new target or to do whatever Mr. Leslie said. I'm actually trying to say that we should use our time, if we're going to focus on this, to move forward and find solutions. I think all of us have good ideas. I would welcome them.
Thank you.
Perhaps while I'm speaking to this, the clerk could check, because it seems that the amendment and the subamendment might be in conflict. One says that it must be done, and the other says it must be drafted. We're just going through what we're being asked to consider to vote on here, and it doesn't seem to be completely in order.
I will once again point out that we have been doing this de facto committee business meeting as an emergency, and in our last couple of meetings, the Conservatives filibustered so that we wouldn't be able to move on to discussing whether or not we could have a prestudy on Bill . They filibustered a meeting where the offered to come and discuss these issues.
These are very real challenges that we're facing. The commissioner very clearly pointed out that the increases in emissions are due to the oil and gas sector, most notably the oil sands industry in Alberta. The Conservatives want to continually suggest that these are the government's emissions, that these emissions are a result of government action or inaction, while we've been actively encouraging the oil and gas sector to decarbonize, modernize and become more efficient. We've enacted regulations. We've enacted over 100 measures to lower emissions, to decarbonize and to reduce the emissions that are related to oil and gas exploration and production in the oil sands.
Indeed, we've heard from those companies. We've delved into some of their results, and we can very clearly see that the only sector that hasn't reduced its emissions is the oil and gas sector, most notably the oil sands.
Before us, we have a pollution cap that we would like to put in so that the oil and gas sector needs to consider investing some of its astonishing $60 billion in revenues and profits into a more efficient process so that its sector isn't the dirtiest and most carbon-intensive oil product in the world. That's something we shouldn't tolerate as Canadians. We should ask the oil sands to innovate and join the rest of the world in decarbonizing their energy products. They're important products for all of us.
Next week, most of us will fly to Ottawa. Some of us will drive electric cars and others will take trains, but all of that transportation, at some stage, requires fossil fuels. We should be demanding that those fossil fuels be produced with the lowest carbon intensity possible, and that's not what we've been seeing.
I would very much welcome a study on how Canada should and will achieve these goals. We are on track to meet our 2030 goals. Much more must be done, such as a pollution cap on the oil and gas sector—something that the Conservatives are against and something that Premier Danielle Smith has spent $7 million on for an ad campaign in Ottawa, driving trucks around—