:
Madam Speaker, as I stated, several witnesses to this study identified several critical barriers to indigenous economic independence and development. We are talking about the issues of limited access to capital, inadequate infrastructure and, in some cases, lack of capacity. Of course, we go on to say that many indigenous communities are already working on their own solutions to these issues and they require further supports from the Government of Canada.
Indigenous peoples have long been excluded from key decision-making processes, which has hindered their ability to fully participate in economic development. Clarence T. Jules, otherwise known as Manny Jules to many, chief commissioner of the First Nations Tax Commission, pointed out that indigenous peoples have lost control over their fiscal powers and lands as a result of these historical exclusions. Infrastructure is essential for driving indigenous economic development, serving as a backbone of a functional economy.
Before I continue on with the reports, I would like to remind people that I am splitting my time with the hon. member for .
Experts such as Clint Davis from Nunasi Corporation and Ernie Daniels of the First Nations Finance Authority have underscored the importance of closing the significant infrastructure gap, estimated at about $30 billion, between first nations and other Canadian communities. The Nunavut infrastructure gap report, for example, highlights critical shortages in water, housing, broadband and energy systems. The overall infrastructure gap for indigenous communities there could be as high as $70 billion.
Housing, of course, is another urgent issue. Shannin Metatawabin from the National Aboriginal Capital Corporations Association has proposed the creation of an indigenous housing fund in partnership with aboriginal financial institutions. This fund would help secure financing for housing in indigenous communities.
Similarly, Grand Chief Jerry Daniels of the Southern Chiefs' Organization Inc. recommended offering long-term loan guarantees to support capital projects, including housing initiatives. To help bridge the infrastructure gap, Daniels has suggested exploring monetization as a funding approach. This method, commonly used by municipalities to finance projects, involves issuing debentures to raise capital for infrastructure and economic development. Daniels also proposed a pilot project to replace diesel generation in remote communities potentially funded through this model. This approach could not only reduce dependence on federal funding, but also provide a sustainable, clean energy solution while testing innovative financing strategies at a minimal cost to the government.
The committee was informed that administrative obstacles pose significant challenges to indigenous economic development, especially when it comes to accessing public funding. Witnesses highlighted issues such as time-consuming and repetitive processes of submitting applications, as well as confusion around program eligibility requirements. To address these challenges, Harold Calla from the First Nations Financial Management Board proposed a pilot project aimed at streamlining administrative functions for smaller communities. Some of those smaller communities can lack the resources to manage such tasks efficiently.
Furthermore, Tabatha Bull from the Canadian Council for Aboriginal Business recommended the creation of a navigator position to assist indigenous businesses in navigating government programs and grant applications. This role would help entrepreneurs identify relevant funding opportunities and support a need that has been frequently emphasized by indigenous business owners.
Witnesses also emphasized that the current funding for indigenous economic development is inadequate and often lacks the structure needed to foster long-term growth. Regional Chief Teegee called for a shift away from short-term program funding, advocating for more substantial and predictable financial support, particularly for areas like first nations policing. He stressed that this approach would also be extended to economic development initiatives.
Access to capital and equity was identified as another key barrier to indigenous economic progress.
Grand Chief Daniels of the Southern Chiefs' Organization highlighted that, without equity, indigenous communities face significant challenges in launching and sustaining wealth-building ventures. Securing capital, particularly for large-scale projects in sectors like energy, mining and agriculture, remains difficult due to historical disadvantages and bureaucratic obstacles. Chief Commissioner Manny Jules pointed out that indigenous peoples face a $175-billion gap in access to capital. Several leaders also underscored the mutual benefits of improving access to capital.
Mr. Metatawabin announced that indigenous communities represent profitable investment opportunities. Although progress has been made, such as through impact benefit agreements, communities still encounter financial barriers that prevent full participation in major projects. Traditional lenders are unwilling to finance equity, leaving communities either unstable or unable to secure necessary funds or forced to accept costly, unfavourable terms.
Several witnesses emphasized the need to increase indigenous participation in public procurement and highlighted the ongoing barriers to achieving this very goal. In April 2022, the announced that 32 federal departments would be required to allocate at least 5% of federal contracts to indigenous-owned, indigenous-led businesses.
However, since then, the program has faced significant shortcomings. There have been reports of companies and individuals exploiting the procurement strategy for indigenous businesses, falsely claiming indigenous status in order to secure contracts. Some have even gone so far as to submit fraudulent documents, such as a picture of a rabbit, to qualify for the program.
A particularly troubling issue involves the 's past business dealings, specifically his connection to Global Health Imports. The company, co-owned by the employment minister, falsely represented itself as a wholly indigenous-owned business in order to obtain government contracts through Canada's indigenous procurement programs, programs designed to benefit indigenous communities. Such misrepresentation undermines the very purpose of the programs, which are intended to support indigenous peoples and businesses.
I could go on, but I will just wrap up by saying that there are many examples of indigenous entrepreneurship and initiative. Conservatives are inspired by their vision and their drive. A future Conservative government will partner with indigenous communities to realize their aspirations, and we will be laser-focused in fostering economic growth and creating opportunities for indigenous communities.
:
Madam Speaker, at this point there can be very little doubt that the Liberal , who is the member for Edmonton Centre and Alberta's only member of the Liberal cabinet, willfully pretended to be indigenous. He should not be in cabinet. Of course, I know there are slim pickings among Alberta Liberals. They are either with the pretender or with the porch pirate, but the minister certainly should be out of cabinet.
As a consequence of his pretense, the company that he co-owned also pretended to be indigenous-owned, and this pretense was used to advance the 's political image and potentially to advance his private commercial interests as well. Now that he has been found out, the minister should offer a more fulsome and sincere apology than the one he offered on Friday, and he should resign or be removed from cabinet.
There is an Instagram post that the Liberal Party put out in 2016, one of many examples of things published at the time and since, that makes very clear how the minister was being positioned. The post in question proudly highlights that apparently the Liberals had elected the largest number of indigenous MPs ever and includes a picture that shows the indigenous Liberal caucus, photos of nine MPs, one of whom is the current .
The has most recently claimed that he participated in the activities of the indigenous Liberal caucus but only as an ally. In other words, he says he never pretended to be indigenous; he just happened to be the one and only white guy who happened to be invited to an organization that identified as the indigenous Liberal caucus. Obviously, that does not pass a pretty basic smell test.
There is a post saying that the Liberals had elected a significant number of indigenous MPs. It is accompanied by a collection of photos of MPs. That would surely be designed to give the impression that those MPs are indigenous. Why in the world would the be the one white guy in an otherwise all-indigenous club that was repeatedly publicly identified as in an all-indigenous club, unless he was trying to create the impression that he was indigenous?
However, we do not even need Liberal Party social media posts in order to see the problem; let us look at the 's own words in the House. In 2016, he described himself as an “adopted Cree”. In 2018, he switched to calling himself a “non-status adopted Cree” and a “member of the indigenous caucus”. As recently as a year ago, the minister told the House that his Cree name means “strong eagle man”. There can surely be no doubt what this was supposed to convey, even as he was also talking about Métis family members and admitting, alternatively, that he was neither.
The thing is that in listening to the 's damage control now, he sounds a lot like the . When pressed on the point of misidentification, at a press conference on Friday, he said that on the one hand, the Liberal Party had misunderstood, that he apologized if anyone was confused and that he is learning about his family history in real time. He did not at any point actually admit wrongdoing. He later said he was going to continue the journey and will share this journey with Canadians as he continues down that path.
The sounded much like a , who thought a groping scandal was just a matter of someone experiencing things differently and who thought his own repeated wearing of racist costumes was a learning opportunity for the rest of us. The minister says he is on a journey, but actually I think the journey that most people want the minister to take is first to the backbenches and then out of Parliament entirely.
:
Madam Speaker, I think it is worth recalling that on March 1, 2018, the told this House, “Never let the truth get in the way of a good story.” He actually said that in the House of Commons. That is what is going on here. The minister from Edmonton did not want to let the truth get in the way of what he thought would be a good political story.
Why exactly were these claims made? Why did the Liberal falsely claim to be indigenous? Perhaps this is another Liberal example of the Maryam Monsef method of selectively claiming to be unaware of key personal facts in order to help develop a more elaborate origin story.
Once upon a time, there were three brothers, Remus, Romulus and Randy, born of a union between the god Mars and a mortal, nursed in the woods by a wolf. After the brothers grew up, a lethal struggle for dominance ensued, and one of the brothers founded the great city of Rome. After founding Rome, he travelled halfway around the world to join the Liberal cabinet.
In other myths, he is identified as the son of Janus, the Roman god with two faces, although as more comes out, two faces may actually not be enough. He is the man, the myth, the : “Never let the truth get in the way of a good story.”
However, efforts at exaggerated personal myth-making may not be all there is to this. At present we are prosecuting the Liberals' indigenous contracting scandal, a scandal in which many companies made false or misleading claims about indigenous identity or developed creative arrangements to position themselves as technically indigenous without actually providing substantive economic benefit or opportunity to indigenous people.
For those who have not been following, the scandal is that Liberals established a 5% target and set-aside. Five per cent of government contracts had to go to indigenous companies, so what necessarily flows from having this kind of target is the need to define what is an indigenous company. This kind of work defining indigenous companies is going on elsewhere, because it is not just governments that are looking to include indigenous businesses with procurement opportunities. Many private sector companies, especially in the energy sector, are looking to procure more from indigenous businesses and include indigenous businesses in their supply chains.
Private sector companies are not looking to just check a legal box. They are doing this voluntarily because it is good business and because it gives impacted communities a greater stake in the success of projects. Private sector proponents, though not perfect, have sought ways to define in an authentic way what are indigenous businesses and the extent to which there are real positive economic impacts in the communities they want to work with.
There are currently various organizations, such as the Canadian Council for Indigenous Business, that work with the private sector to help identify and support indigenous businesses. I have also met with the Indigenous Chamber of Commerce in Winnipeg, which has a rigorous process of assessing whether a business is truly indigenous-owned before it is admitted to its membership roles.
However, bizarrely, the Liberal government chose not to work with existing organizations to draw on the various lists that have been created for indigenous businesses. Instead, it developed its own list, which suspiciously appears to include a number of actors as indigenous businesses that are not on anyone else's list. While many in the private sector want to do this for real, the Liberal government has sought to inflate the number of contracts going to indigenous businesses by including businesses on its list that are not actually indigenous and are not on anyone else's indigenous business list.
The Assembly of First Nations has said that a majority of those getting the 5% set-aside are shell companies. There is abuse of joint ventures and shell companies and outright pretending. In one example in the news recently, a company called the Canadian Health Care Agency, a large non-indigenous company, went into joint venture with one person who was also its employee. The Canadian Health Care Agency was able to get many contracts. It got all of the benefit associated with these so-called joint ventures as a non-indigenous company and was able to deceptively position itself as an indigenous company.
We have been prosecuting this scandal for a while, and the AFN and other indigenous leaders have been so clear that this is a grave problem, an abuse of this policy that the Liberals have turned a blind eye to. However, we did not know until recently that the 's company was actually falsely trying to position itself as indigenous.
With this in mind, as we need to get to the bottom of what's happening, I move that the motion be amended by deleting all of the words after the word “That” and substituting the following: “the second report of the Standing Committee on Indigenous and Northern Affairs—”
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Madam Speaker, it is a pleasure to rise and add some thoughts on an issue that has always been of great importance to the Government of Canada and, in particular, to the .
We have talked about the whole issue of reconciliation and how, as a government, we have ensured significant budget commitments over the years, but also legislative actions in a very tangible way. I am going to expand on that shortly. Before I do that, I do not want anyone who might be following this debate to believe that the Conservatives are genuinely concerned about the report itself at all. All one needs to do is take a look at the previous member's comments on the report and then reflect on what was being debated earlier today. I would suggest that the whole concept of character assassination has something in common with this. This is more about a multi-million dollar game the Conservatives have played for many weeks, at a great cost.
Substantial legislation is waiting to be debated, both from the government's perspective and from the perspective of private members. However, instead of having that form of debate, the Conservatives continue to bring in concurrence reports to fill time because they are running out of things to say on their privilege motions. Here they have taken a particular issue that has always been important to the government. At the end of the day, I question their motivation for choosing to use this issue as a political game to add to the multi-million dollar filibuster that we have been witnessing for many weeks and, unfortunately, in all likelihood, for many days to come. I look at this from a perspective of lost opportunities and why we need to move on.
When I think of the issue at hand, I think of individuals like Cindy Woodhouse. I think of the passing of Mr. Sinclair, an individual, second to no other in Manitoba, who brought forward the debate on indigenous reconciliation for all Canadians and the important role we all have to play, including here in the House. I was at the funeral, as members from all political parties were.
When the TRC report came out, the at the time, because it was back in 2015, made the commitment to act on every one of those 94 calls for action. We have seen significant gains. Many have taken the form of legislation that has passed, such as a statutory holiday, indigenous languages and legislation dealing with children. We have also seen significant financial commitments, somewhere in the neighbourhood of $400-plus million toward indigenous entrepreneurs and others since 2015 to encourage partnerships. In the 2024 budget, in fact, we committed $350 million to dealing with issues to increase access to capital.
I think of my home province of Manitoba and the city of Winnipeg, and the only way we can hit the potential that our province has in the federation is to see reconciliation work. A part of that is to recognize the entrepreneurs and the workers and how, as a national government, we can contribute to it. One of the first things we took initiative on, for example, was the issue of Freedom Road, something Shoal Lake 40 was asking for for many years. Stephen Harper, throughout those years when the was a cabinet minister with Stephen Harper, said, “No, the federal government does not support Freedom Road.”
It took a change in government. It was not until the current formed the cabinet, and with the support of the national Liberal caucus, that we ultimately saw financing for Freedom Road. Freedom Road has had a profoundly positive impact for Shoal Lake 40. It is not because of Ottawa but more because of the leadership from within the Shoal Lake 40 reserve. These are the people who deserve the credit. What we did as government was recognize the potential and get behind the individual chief and council to ultimately enable it.
We have seen other very successful projects at Shoal Lake 40. They are significant projects, all of which, I would suggest, are indigenous led, from the companies to the workers to the quality that we see, including the water treatment facility. For the community's size, it is a world-class facility, which is there today because of indigenous-led companies and the chief and council. We could also talk about the twinning of Highway 17.
I look at individuals like Sharon Redsky, who often affords me the opportunity to better understand indigenous issues, especially around children and social enterprises and the potential for charitable groups and indigenous organizations to contribute to reconciliation. These are individuals. I think of Chief Kevin Redsky and the leadership the chief and council provide, and how that is making a difference. We as a government have supported that leadership and those developments.
I would suggest that the Conservatives are introducing the report today not because the Conservatives care about the issue. It has more to do with the same sort of subject matter they are talking about with the privilege issue. Let us ask ourselves, have the Conservatives ever, in the last number of years, raised this issue in the form of an opposition day motion? The short answer is no, they have not.
The only reason the Conservatives are raising it today is that, in going through the 100-plus reports, they said it was an issue that they could politicize. They could stand up and continue on with the character assassination of a particular minister. That is their motivation. It is not because they are concerned about indigenous issues. I did not witness that in the last speech by the Conservative member.
Just last week, I had the opportunity to participate in an organization called Raising the Roof. I understand that it actually originated in the province of Ontario. It is a wonderful group. It ensures that it is building a number of homes for non-profits. It ventured into Winnipeg, Manitoba, for the very first time. There was a substantial federal contribution to it, and I had the opportunity to participate in the announcement.
What touched me most in regard to that was the fact that there was a company, Purpose Construction, which is responsible for doing the renovations of a particular home that happens to be in Winnipeg North. It is on Mountain Avenue in what I would classify as the core, traditional, heritage-rich north end of Winnipeg. What would have been a dilapidated two-storey-plus home has now been converted into a wonderful place to call home, not for one, but actually two families. From what I understand, it also has a third area; this is maybe not necessarily for a family, but it could be for someone who is coming in and studying or whatever it might be. We will see that it is for the homeless.
There is another organization, Siloam Mission; this is actually the group that is going to be responsible for, from what I can recall, ensuring that there are tenants going into the facility and managing the facility. They are indigenous tenants. However, I will get back to Purpose Construction because it is more than just the federal government that is increasing the number of homes.
Purpose Construction is an indigenous company that is taking indigenous workers and allowing them to learn a trade and supporting that. The benefits of this particular facility, or home, that is being built go far beyond just providing another home for a couple of families and others. It is touching the community in a very real way, and it is supporting indigenous-led companies and more.
We should keep in mind that the Conservative Party does not support housing initiatives. Most recently, we have seen that with the housing accelerator fund, wherein the federal government is working with other municipalities to ensure that we get more homes built. Many Conservatives are saying that they like that particular program. They are writing to ministers. If there are 18 of them writing, I can only imagine how many others actually support it but are not writing to the here.
I suspect that the housing announcement by the , which I have labelled as a dud, demonstrates how it is that the Conservative Party treats supporting indigenous communities. I could talk at great length in regard to the housing issue.
Let us move on to the Canada Infrastructure Bank. Even today, I believe I have heard at least one Conservative member say they want to get rid of the Canada Infrastructure Bank. The Conservative Party's official position on the Canada Infrastructure Bank is to get rid of it. If we dig a little deeper, they will give misinformation. They will say that the Canada Infrastructure Bank does not do anything. There are billions of dollars of investments through the Canada Infrastructure Bank that have led to more billions of dollars of investments from other stakeholders. We are talking around $30 billion. The last time I checked, it was getting close to $30 billion.
If we check with the Canada Infrastructure Bank, we will see that the bank has an indigenous equity initiative that is enabling indigenous leaders to tap in and become partners on infrastructure development. There are projects there. How does the Conservative Party of Canada and its shiny new respond to that? They say that the Canada Infrastructure Bank is a bad idea and that they are going to cut it, just as they say they are going to cut the housing accelerator fund. Their policies are very much dictated by the far right in Canada. We know that.
The progressive nature that used to be in the Conservative Party has completely evaporated; it is more focused on cuts. If we were to broaden it out to expand beyond indigenous communities and just focus on cuts and why they are so relevant, the Conservative Party tries to give the false impression that it cares about indigenous communities; in fact, we know that it is going to cut indigenous funds that are now flowing.
An hon. member: Oh, oh!
Mr. Kevin Lamoureux: Madam Speaker, the member across the way says that will not happen. The Conservatives are going to cut the Canada Infrastructure Bank, which is helping fund some of these capital projects. They are going to cut it, yet they say they are not going to cut it. They are going to cut the housing accelerator fund. Are they trying to tell me that indigenous communities do not benefit through that fund, that there will not be social enterprises, such as Purpose Construction, that are going to participate in renovations and the building of homes?
The Conservative Party needs to reflect and hold its own far-right Conservative to account for the careless cuts that it continues to propose all the time, whether the ones I have talked about already or cuts to dental care, pharmacare or child care. That is the Conservative Party today, and it does need to be held to account for that.
The Conservatives bring forward motions for concurrence, not because they are interested in the subject matter but because they are trying to show that the House of Commons is dysfunctional. That is the real purpose of what they are doing.
If we read the motion, Conservatives want to extend it beyond the chamber to standing committees. This is the third one that I can think of right offhand where they want to send a report, and we have hundreds of them, back to the standing committee. They want to tell the standing committee what it has to do; by the way, they also want it to call x, y and z. Why is that? It is because they want to continue the multi-million dollar game at the expense of Canadians; they are more focused on the interests of the than they are on Canadians.
I say shame on them. They have a responsibility to behave in such a fashion that other agenda items can be debated and passed. I am not just talking government. There is Private Members' Business also. There is a fall economic statement. There is a lot to talk about on the floor of the House of Commons. It is time that the Conservative Party stops its political game and starts thinking about what is in the best interests of Canadians.
:
Madam Speaker, we are here today to talk about an issue that is fundamental for the future of Canada and Quebec, and that is economic development in indigenous communities. The report of the Standing Committee on Indigenous and Northern Affairs reminds us of the barriers that these communities face and that make it so that the desired outcomes are not always achieved as originally planned.
This is a critical issue, but it is also a mirror that reflects the systemic challenges that are deeply rooted in our society. Reconciliation will not be possible without eliminating the barriers that continue to prevent first nations, Métis and Inuit people from receiving a fair share of this country's wealth. This is not just a matter of social justice. It is also a matter of economic development for all.
Barriers to economic development in indigenous communities include the legacy of colonialism, the failure to recognize indigenous jurisdiction, inadequate infrastructure, administrative burdens, limited access to capital, and limited access to federal procurement opportunities. First nations, Inuit and Métis face similar barriers, but they are also confronted with challenges that are unique to their situation and their relationship with the federal government. Financial challenges are systemic barriers.
One of the major barriers we face is access to funding. Take, for example, the down payment required for any new project in an indigenous context. It is a minimum of 10%, a requirement that does not take into account the economic realities of these communities, where many people live below the poverty line. Under these conditions, how can anyone hope to undertake an economic development initiative, be it commercial or residential, if the down payment is an insurmountable barrier?
However, there is a solution in the Yänonhchia' program. This innovative solution is available in Quebec. Not only does it give the middle class on first nations lands access to home ownership, but it also stimulates a unique market for high-quality properties in various communities. We asked the to provide funding at the earliest opportunity for this program, which helps members of communities in need finally get a roof over their heads. The message is clear: It is important to set the right priorities.
In addition, access to private capital continues to be a major challenge. With few exceptions, financial institutions continue to show clear mistrust toward indigenous businesses, making it extremely difficult for them to access credit. This situation is even more complex in remote communities, where transportation and material costs make projects considerably more expensive. These disadvantages mean that even the simplest construction project in indigenous communities like Wemotaci or Chisasibi will invariably be more expensive than in cities like Montreal or Quebec City. It is not just a difference in costs, it is a systemic inequality that hinders development projects from the outset.
Red tape is another factor hindering growth. The administrative burden created by governments, both federal and provincial, should not be underestimated. Funding programs are complex and poorly adapted to the realities of indigenous workers and entrepreneurs. In many cases, an application has to be submitted several times to different departments, resulting in lengthy delays and missed opportunities. This cumbersome bureaucracy only slows down the development of indigenous initiatives.
We need a more flexible, responsive approach. Decisions need to be made faster. Most importantly, the reality of indigenous communities must be taken into account in the funding allocation process. Continuing to apply rigid processes designed in urban centres is not going to solve the issue of economic development for indigenous peoples. We need decentralization, a redistribution of decision-making powers and real political will to facilitate, not impede, first nations development for and by first nations.
Geographic isolation is also a factor in economic exclusion. As we know, indigenous communities face unique, often invisible, but deeply structural barriers. They do not all experience the same realities. Some are close to urban areas and are in a better position to meet program requirements. Others, as the Parliamentary Budget Officer wisely pointed out, have difficulties that are not taken into account, such as geographic isolation. This leads to exorbitant supplier costs and creates glaring inequalities between regions. These are known as remoteness costs.
Let us not forget that many of these communities are located in remote regions, where access to infrastructure and basic services is still a survival issue. This translates into extra supplier costs, but also a lack of access to economic opportunities, federal contracts, and sometimes even adequate banking or financial services. Indigenous populations are doubly penalized, both by their remoteness and by the systemic indifference of the government, which does not adapt its policies to meet their specific needs.
Economic reconciliation is a necessity for all. It is essential to remember that economic reconciliation is not possible without the active participation of indigenous peoples in the Canadian economy. Reconciliation is about more than symbolic statements or gestures. It requires meaningful action and financial commitments. Studies show that if indigenous communities had the same economic opportunities as the other Canadians, the Canadian economy as a whole would benefit considerably. Canada could increase its GDP significantly, by $30 billion to $100 billion annually, simply by allowing indigenous people to access equitable employment conditions, training and funding. It is in everyone's interest to remove barriers to indigenous economic inclusion. We are not asking for a favour here. We are offering an opportunity that must be seized for the good of all of Canada.
The proposed opportunities are a way forward. To overcome these barriers, we must work together. It is imperative that the Government of Canada implement policies and strategies that take the realities of indigenous peoples into account. Obviously, this entails implementing the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act, in collaboration with the communities, and formally recognizing indigenous legal frameworks for the management of their lands.
The government also needs to support the creation and expansion of indigenous financial institutions that can meet the specific needs of indigenous businesses. The aboriginal financial institution network needs to be strengthened and adequately funded to foster access to capital and support the growth of indigenous businesses. Finally, it is crucial to review federal funding and procurement mechanisms to allow for genuine and equitable participation by indigenous businesses in major infrastructure and development projects in Canada. Indigenous initiatives funds must be tailored to the specific needs of each community, taking geographic, social and economic aspects into consideration.
Economic reconciliation also requires solid land bases. The Bloc Québécois has long been calling on the federal government to commit to land reform, and we will continue to push for that as long as necessary. We suggest partnering with indigenous groups to undertake a vast nation-to-nation effort to sign agreements and treaties that are entered into freely and are mutually agreed upon, allowing for more self-determination for these communities.
We propose that the comprehensive land claims policy be completely overhauled, which would include creating an independent entity to manage and resolve these claims. Appointing a commissioner, as set out in Bill , is a step in the right direction, because the federal government is not only slow, it is often a bad partner. Of course, the commissioner will be able to point all that out, but that should not stop the federal government from taking action now. Two weeks ago, when the ministers appeared before the Standing Committee on Indigenous and Northern Affairs, none of these crucial issues were addressed.
It currently takes 18 years on average to settle a land claim, including two years seeking government approvals. This creates a significant financial burden for first nations. That is already excessively long, but for some nations, the process can take up to 30 years. We are talking about three decades. These barriers sometimes lead communities to give up and settle for the Indian Act as the lesser of two evils. This policy needs to be addressed urgently because it impedes true, equal partnerships between nations.
Since 2018, repealing the Indian Act has been one of the objectives of the relationship framework between the Government of Canada and indigenous peoples. However, the Liberal government is being too passive on this issue. In Quebec, only the Cree and Naskapi nations have been emancipated from this act, thanks to the James Bay and Northern Quebec Agreement and the resulting legislation.
When it comes to land claims, the situation in Quebec is similar to the one in British Columbia, where a large part of the territory is still not covered by treaties. This is problematic because the comprehensive land claim settlement process is excessively long and costly. It frustrates many first nations representatives without contributing toward improving living conditions in the communities. Furthermore, these negotiations create an extremely significant financial burden for indigenous communities. Currently, they are financed through a combination of repayable loans and non-repayable contributions. In 2013, the accrued debt, with interest, was $817 million. This funding model acts as a disincentive for communities, prolongs negotiations and forces some nations to give up when they run out of money.
The problems with this policy do not stop there. The federal government is both judge and jury in these negotiations. The process is so long that negotiators frequently come and go, increasing delays even further, because each new negotiator has to get up to speed on the complex files. Furthermore, these negotiators have no flexibility and constantly have to ask the government to approve their decisions. In short, the existing process does not resolve disputes efficiently or help eliminate colonial structures such as the Indian Act.
With respect to the additions to reserve policy, it is important to have sufficient funds to enable the 20 or so communities recognized by the federal government to complete the process set out in the policy so they can finally receive the funding they need to ensure the well-being of their members with complete peace of mind. Can the government assure us that there will be enough money this year to enable them to take action? Three first nations in my riding, which is in Quebec, have been displaced. They still have no stable land base. This is unacceptable. I would like to see those communities get their fair share. Too often, they are overlooked. I want to name them.
[English]
They are Timiskaming First Nation, Winneway first nation and Hunter's Point first nation, now Wolf Lake.
[Translation]
In this context, I want to underscore the following. This means that there is money that is not going to areas such as health, childhood education or an indigenous police service. It takes too long. Every time there is a hiccup, it seems like everyone is fine with that. At some point there needs to be action. Everyone will need to sit down together and offer solutions. Far too often, first nations issues are put on ice. The government will use any excuse to walk away from the negotiations, and often the real reason is that it just is not listening. Finally, things are left to drag on. Generations have been waiting for answers and results. That is another way to promote self-determination for indigenous peoples, especially back home in Abitibi—Témiscamingue.
The Inuit and Métis also deserve better representation within bodies that reflect on economic reconciliation. The Inuit of Nunavut or Nunavik, like the Red River Métis, are not subject to the Indian Act. However, these indigenous people have unique realities that deserve to be addressed by this government. They need to be better represented within the institutions and organizations set up by the federal government.
While the Red River Métis are now recognized as an indigenous people by the Government of Canada, they continue to face significant challenges in accessing financial resources and economic opportunities due to the delayed recognition of their rights and the federal government's broken promises. For a long time, they have been excluded from the funding and economic development programs available to other indigenous groups. While progress has been made in recent years, these commitments remain lacking.
Despite these barriers, Métis people have shown remarkable resilience and a great potential to develop their own economic initiatives and institutions. However, the lack of appropriate channels for distributing funds and delays in implementing supportive policies continue to impede their ability to build sustainable infrastructure.
The federal government absolutely must keep its promises and put in place funding mechanisms and institutions specifically designed to meet the unique needs of Métis people so that they can fully participate in the Canadian economy and ensure a prosperous future for their communities.
I will digress for a moment. On the weekend, we marked Louis Riel Day. If there is something that Canada should think about, it is how it treated one of its own. The case of Louis Riel is well documented, and we should think about and look back at that history. I think that we have erred for too long. I want to acknowledge president David Chartrand.
Since I only have a little time left, I want to take this opportunity to raise some issues that I think are problematic when it comes to the economic development of first nations. I want to talk about the much-touted 5%. I am talking about recommendation 8 of the report. It is all well and good to say that the government awards 5% of federal contracts to indigenous businesses. However, when it comes to things like GC Strategies or projects like the one in Chalk River that is going to have a major impact on nuclear safety in Quebec and Canada, the indigenous component is often being managed by people who are not really indigenous. They have access to government funds and they are the ones who communicate with the government. The government can then say that it consulted indigenous people in the context of the Canadian Nuclear Safety Commission. However, these indigenous impersonators are not recognized by indigenous people. That is a problem.
“Pretendians” are people who self-identify as indigenous for economic or personal gain. In many cases, it may be a historical error. It is not necessarily a deliberately false claim. However, there are some serious problems at the moment. Fake indigenous claims are being used to gain access to contracts or to earn social licence. Think about the Chalk River project. An association known as the Algonquins of Ontario helped ensure social licence. Meanwhile, the Anishinabe in both Quebec and Ontario, plus 140 municipalities, are opposed to the project. Those who speak for the indigenous people are not the indigenous people.
There is no shortage of examples when it comes to economic development. Bastien Industries produces moccasins that are made in Wendake. This is an example of an economic development project where products are made by hand, with knowledge being passed on from generation to generation. It is an economic driver and source of pride for the community. Unfortunately, the company has no access to government contracts, and yet if the indigenous people who work there want to sell their products in the United States, they will be asked for their Indian status card.
That is not possible in Canada. Those mechanisms do not exist and so identities can be claimed. These companies take second place when contracts are awarded. There is no obligation to do business with indigenous peoples. Actually, the law says there is in theory, but in practice, no mechanism exists. That is a fundamental problem. The Standing Committee on Government Operations and Estimates is particularly interested in this. I think we need to delve deeper into the issue of who is indigenous and who is not. At some point, this has a major impact on economic development.
I also want to take this opportunity to raise another issue. To me, it is one of the main solutions. The Standing Committee on Indigenous and Northern Affairs examines it in this report, particularly in the first recommendations. In my opinion, the major solution, which is a philosophical one, is to trust the knowledge of the first nations and develop projects “by and for” indigenous nations. Right now, there are a lot of recommendations. However, I am shocked to see that the study is almost two years old. It is something we have thought about, but not a thing has changed.
This government is on its last legs. It had plenty of time to take action and develop investment funds by and for indigenous peoples. Yänonhchia' comes to mind, along with the initiatives of NACCA, the National Aboriginal Capital Corporation Association, and many others that will provide financial leverage. The government puts structures in place, but often this only creates obstacles and barriers. Basically, indigenous communities are given two years to build a house. However, it takes time to get an architect to approve things. It is much harder to find one in remote areas and in indigenous communities. By the time an architect is found, the deadlines have passed. That is how it works at the federal government. Perhaps only two houses a year per community end up being built. Indigenous populations are growing quickly, and the needs of communities are not currently being met. Some serious reflection is needed, and the solution involves projects by and for indigenous peoples.
In conclusion, urgent action is essential. We have an historic opportunity before us. Removing barriers to economic development for indigenous peoples is not only a moral imperative, but also an economic one. We have a responsibility to right the wrongs of the past and to work together to build a prosperous future for all Canadian and Quebec communities, indigenous and otherwise. Indigenous peoples must be fully integrated into the economy of Canada and Quebec, not only because it is the right thing to do, but also because it is in everyone's best interest. If we want a prosperous, inclusive and truly reconciled Quebec and Canada, we need to invest in the prosperity of indigenous peoples.
Together, as equal partners, we can build a future based on justice, equality and economic reconciliation.
:
Madam Speaker, I want to thank all my colleagues for this important discussion today on the economic barriers that are leading to detrimental impacts on indigenous communities to better serve themselves, their community and all Canadians.
It is not too far in our own history that we looked to indigenous innovation for immense solutions to everyday problems. For example, the baby jumper is something that was invented by an indigenous woman right here in Canada. It is a significant contribution that most indigenous and non-Indigenous children would have access to. Indigenous entrepreneurs and indigenous economic motivators are critical to the success of Canada. However, that being said, there are immense barriers to these kinds of achievements by indigenous people, which is why it is so often the case that they find themselves in difficult circumstances to keep their businesses and operations afloat.
The indigenous and northern affairs committee was asked to study the barriers to indigenous economic development and highlighted a few key aspects of what that could mean within the report. However, I would like to focus today on what we find in the recommendations and speak to some of the challenges we are seeing here in Ottawa. For example, there is the infrastructure gap, and I will be touching on this important deficit, which is largely contributing to indigenous people having less access to our economy. Let me put it into perspective.
Within the immense supply chain in our country there are, for example, railroads, two bands of steel right across the country, but this kind of economic infrastructure in the supply chain is very difficult for indigenous people to participate in when they are so far from infrastructure inputs to get their product to market. Indigenous communities make up an immense part of the economies in northern Alberta, northern Saskatchewan, northern Manitoba and northern British Columbia, but they are still finding the lack of infrastructure a critical barrier. For example, the deficit for infrastructure is over $350 billion for first nations communities and $75 billion for Inuit.
There is a $2.5-billion deficit for infrastructure, and indigenous people have been simply left behind for generations. It is time we catch up. We need a government that is willing to invest in infrastructure to see these communities truly flourish.
Another topic I would like to address is the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. It is true that although economic development in Canada has largely taken place without the consent of indigenous people, we are now on a path that would see indigenous people participate better in the economic development drivers of our country. However, there are still immense barriers to this.
We see, time and time again, that when a first nations, Métis or Inuit community says no, the government ignores it. Indigenous people have fought tooth and nail to see the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples truly adhered to. This gives indigenous people the great ability not just to say yes to projects that benefit them, but to also say no. This is the biggest contrast and challenge that indigenous people have, particularly with Conservative and Liberal governments. Time and time again, indigenous issues and indigenous people are only important when it is convenient to them.
This particular case is another one of those instances where indigenous people have now taken the floor of the House of Commons to speak to the very interesting and deep challenges related to economic development. However, it is against the backdrop of an important moment in our House of Commons where we are being stalemated, because of several instances of concurrence in this place to slow down government legislation, which I understand completely. However, I also understand, and want to point out, that this debate today is critical and should not be taking place on the backs of other critical pieces of work and legislation. This is an important topic, and we have a moment now to speak to it. I would hope that the government representatives are listening.
We have a serious issue with the final topic I will address today, which is indigenous procurement. To back up a bit, procurement for indigenous people is done through a federal program called PSIB, the indigenous business support program, which allows indigenous people to bid on procurement items. When the government is looking for talent acquisition, it would create an offer, have indigenous people bid, and then the successful indigenous company would administer that program. It sounds wonderful. It is a great thing for indigenous businesses, should they be allowed to fairly participate.
There is no framework today that would put the indigenous procurement strategy of the government to a higher standard, one that would not be forcing the Assembly of First Nations to call for real reform within procurement. It would not be that the victims of the lack of procurement are those indigenous businesses, which are the real victims here. It is the indigenous businesses that have done everything right, that played by the rules, that signed all the papers and that got the congratulations and a pat on the back for incorporating their company, only to be met by a system that is rigged by the government and that has benefited, in this particular case, someone named Randy.
This is an obvious instance that requires the government's immediate attention. We need to get directly to the bottom of what has been taking place in the indigenous procurement processes of the government. It is time for someone to be held accountable for the pretendianism that continues to propagate right across this country. Whether it is in social media, in traditional media, in businesses or right here in the House of Commons, there are people who are falsely claiming to be indigenous.
I had a conversation with my sister when the story came up, and she smiled at me and she said that if people want to be indigenous so badly, they should also suffer the consequences. What a thing to say. Today, the lack of access to indigenous business support is the consequence. Being disproportionately impacted by poverty is the condition indigenous people are in.
Can members imagine how much of a slap in the face it is when there is a member of the cabinet claiming to be indigenous for the purposes of accessing an indigenous procurement strategy? That is the issue pertaining to indigenous procurement today. It requires the immediate attention of the government. The AFN, indigenous leaders and, as someone made mention, Métis people are also calling for justice. How can anyone have faith in a system that allows for non-indigenous people's applications to even be heard, let alone eventually accepted and part of the government's procurement process? It is very serious indeed.
I want to speak to the important and critical aspects of the report as it pertains to indigenous self-determination. Indigenous people in Canada have always been subject to a unique relationship. Ever since the onset of colonization in North America, it has always been one of economic coercion. Economic coercion is the story and history of Canada.
We do not even have to look all that far. In my own lifetime, I have heard stories from elders who remember the days of the crooked and greedy Hudson's Bay Company. It was a monopoly here in North America that took such great advantage of indigenous people that there are horrific stories, whether of the delivery of small pox blankets or whether of the fact that indigenous people had to trap so many furs, up to the height of a rifle. That was the cost of it. There was extreme greed by the companies.
What is a shame to hear today is the fact that companies continue in that tradition, whether they are huge, immense, giant natural resource companies that say they would rather sue the nation than work with it, like we have seen in northern Alberta, or whether it is governments getting in the direct way of indigenous people trying to get access to real economic benefit, like what is taking place in Alberta.
In southwest Calgary, Canada's largest first nation development, the Tsuut'ina Nation, is building a master-planned community on 1,200 acres of its land. The $10-billion, mixed-use project will feature 17 million square feet of real estate, including more than 6,500 residential units. However, there are issues related to the ability to permit it by the provincial government.
Now the nation is waiting. It has been waiting and waiting for the government to give it the green light, when it is the nation of those lands. Original stewards have always built homes on their lands since time immemorial, and today a province is saying no. That is limiting economic business and economic opportunity for indigenous people, just as much as pretending to be indigenous for the purpose of trying to access capital. Over and over again we see instances of indigenous entrepreneurs being sidelined, whether in the case of provincial governments, as I just mentioned; in this case, with a federal government program that was meant to help indigenous entrepreneurs in procurement; or in the case of upholding indigenous people's rights.
We often talk about economic reconciliation, a buzzword from my Conservative colleagues, who most particularly want to talk about access to natural resources. I understand this very well, coming from a natural resource community myself, an area that I worked in for quite a long time. I know how these debates go with companies. When companies come in, they are hoping to get a $3,000 barbecue so we do not have to talk about beneficial ownership. I know exactly what it means when a company comes in and says it is going to use our roads and not pay for any operations or maintenance. I know exactly what it means when a company says it is going to give us a sweetheart deal today and walk out 10 years later, leaving the community with a mess to clean up costing billions of dollars.
These are the real economic barriers facing indigenous people, and these are issues we do not talk about. We do not talk about them because of the deep desire to see a partisan benefit. Anytime we talk about indigenous issues in this place, with the Liberals and the Conservatives, it is always about how they can score one on indigenous people. We have to end this. We have to be critical of these issues. Hopefully, we can unite as a House toward a process that deals with indigenous people as the rightful and beneficial owners of their lands and come to a real conclusion, a united conclusion, in the House saying that Canada must respect fundamental rights.
I would like to speak now for a moment about the importance of treaties. Canada undertook, in the 1870s and 1880s, until the late 1920s, a process of historic treaty-making. For the better knowledge of my colleagues, there are several eras of treaties we can delineate. For the topic of this discussion, we are talking about the numbered treaties. For the numbered treaties, one of which I am from, Treaty No. 6, benefits were allocated throughout treaty negotiations and for the treaties themselves. However, the government, as soon as it signed these treaties, walked away and said, no, it knows better and that since it had the land, it is going to legislate these people, put down the Indian Act and never hear of the treaties again.
Today, we are in the courts. The Liberal government and the federal Conservatives have had a whole lifetime of lawsuits against indigenous people based on this decision. There is the clean water legislation, for example. Having clean drinking water would fundamentally increase indigenous people's access to the economy. A federal piece of legislation on that was struck down by the courts when the Conservatives tried to defend it. A Conservative piece of legislation that was struck down for being unconstitutional is now being replaced with another piece of legislation by the Liberals that is barely an improvement.
These are the issues we are talking about. This incremental justice results in massive injustices for indigenous people while we wait and wait and children go by without anything. That is why it is so critical that we speak to the real challenges facing economic development for indigenous communities.
Part of the real issue is capital. The Indian Act, for example, delineates very small, postage stamp pieces of land. For indigenous people to truly be stewards of an economy that is for their own people, their land must grow. The fact that we have reserved them to small, postage stamp pieces of property is an abomination. We must end the apartheid that exists in Canada. We must end the racial legislation that exists under the Indian Act. We must empower indigenous people toward their own destiny.
For thousands of years, indigenous people have traded up and down the St. Lawrence, up and down North America, all the way from Mexico to Tuktoyaktuk, bringing goods and services to people right across this great place. However, the ugly horrors of racism and discrimination clamped down on Canada as the boats of Europe arrived.
Europeans limited indigenous peoples' dignity by saying that they were savage. Today, we reject this term in the hope that we can see indigenous people like me, and like those right across this country, as the true stewards of this place. They are the ones who understand this land and who will hopefully save it from a climate crisis that continues to ravage the world and, most importantly, indigenous people, who are on the front lines of much of this.
There is the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, a meaningful framework, first ushered in by one of the greatest advocates in Canada, an Alberta first nations chief by the name of Dr. Wilton Littlechild, who is a fantastic and remarkable living giant from Alberta. The nations he serves are largely nations that are in the resource-rich provinces, including my home province.
We have never, at any point in time, have had to delineate between the unfortunate dichotomy that now exists between resource development and resource non-development. These kinds of questions presuppose indigenous peoples' interests. Perhaps indigenous peoples' interests are for their land mass to grow, for example. How do we get to the point of having conversations with indigenous people about their desires? Instead, we have a government that continually wants access to indigenous peoples' resources and lands, and it is finding every single way to do it, even though the courts and the international community have been clear that indigenous people have a fundamental right to their lands and a say in its use. That includes the right to say no.
These are fundamental rights that would ensure clarity for industrial partners. That is what I have been hearing from resource development companies, in particular. They just want clarity. If they can find a way to get clarity on who has those consultative rights, then perhaps those companies, including those of indigenous people, would not have to settle these disputes in court. This would require a government that would be willing to understand and implement treaties in a number of treaty areas. It would also require the government to act in earnest in areas where there is no treaty, fully recognizing that they are indigenous lands.
When we do not recognize this, there is a cost and a consequence. As a matter of fact, we saw this cost and consequence manifest during the last Parliament, when we saw one of the most historic instances of indigenous people saying no. That was in the Wet’suwet’en uprising in British Columbia. They had simply said no to a project, and it resulted in what we are again seeing today: immense violence, such as police officers with chainsaws ripping down doors. There is no reason for this violence in our country. The days of burning indigenous people off their lands are over.
It is time now to respect indigenous people for our perspectives, our knowledge and our ways of being, not simply for having to play defence for the Liberals or the Conservatives any time they bring up an issue concerning indigenous people for their own partisan benefit. That is the only time we debate these issues in the House.
I am asking my colleagues to rise to the occasion, to rise to the true dignity that Murray Sinclair called us to, and there are those who have already invoked his name. He called us to reconciliation because, without it, we will have resistance. Those words live on in my head and in the minds and hearts of indigenous people right across this country. They demand better. They demand reform and demand that these issues be taken more seriously and be given more credence.
I want to make a final comment in the last point I will make today, which is on indigenous procurement. I understand that there have been numerous discussions related to who is indigenous and who is not indigenous. This is a serious issue that has touched the hearts and minds of Canadians and those across North America. It is in the media, in academia and in this place. There has never been a time more important than today to work with indigenous people, to understand indigenous people and put indigenous people in the leadership role in developing a framework that would see indigenous identity truly respected and taken care of. I call on the government to immediately audit the existing list of businesses, strike down any that are ineligible and create a framework with indigenous people that gets to the bottom of this and ends Britannianism in procurement across Canada.
:
Madam Speaker, I am very pleased to speak tonight on this concurrence debate. I will be sharing my time with my neighbour in the riding and here in the House, the member for .
This seems like everything old is new again with this debate and looking at this particular issue. We looked at this issue over six years ago in the operations committee. I know I have rarely mentioned my work in the operations committee over the nine years I have been on it here in the House.
In 2018, the OGGO committee, the mighty OGGO, put out report number 15 on indigenous procurement and the government's role and how we can help with indigenous businesses. I really encourage everyone, especially the government, to read the report. The government did a response to the report, as it is required to, which, of course, was full of nothings.
A couple of years later, in probably 2020 or 2021, I asked the government to table an analysis line by line of the recommendations, to see how many had been achieved. On the 35 recommendations, the government came back with 35 examples of basic word salad, which means it basically has not done anything.
I have to ask again why we are studying this issue. My colleague from gave us a shot at the end, and I am perfectly fine with that. We did work together on public accounts, and I know he is passionate about this and we share a lot of similar values. The government should be following its rules and there should be accountability for government for its actions. We continue to see nothing on this issue.
From the report, I am going to go over some of the titles. My colleague from asked why we have not done anything in the past 20 years. I have to say that we have a blueprint on how to succeed in this issue, and the government sat on it for six and a half years. Here are some of the headings from the report, just so the government can understand some of the things we are talking about. It talks about governance and interpretation of the indigenous strategy, promoting the indigenous strategy and preventing corporate fronts. Of course, we talked about that a lot in the question period today. Perhaps the member for would like to weigh in on this issue, or perhaps read the report himself.
There are other sections on supporting small and medium-sized indigenous women-owned indigenous businesses, and set-asides and the establishment of targets and goals, which makes me kind of confused. Why does the government need goals and targets? We have set rules on indigenous set-asides, on business that has to be set aside for indigenous-owned companies. Why we call it a goal when it is firm in writing is beyond me.
Another section is on partnerships and joint ventures, which again is a topic often discussed today, and on the front page of the National Post, about basically fake indigenous companies being set up, or shell companies. Another is lessons from the oil and gas sector. My colleague from weighed in on that as well, and I am going to respectfully disagree. We heard indigenous business communities all say that across the country, the energy sector in Alberta is promoting and using indigenous businesses the most. The ones doing the worst job were PSPC and INAC.
There was a section on the evaluation of the indigenous strategy and data. This is funny because the government at the time, when asked how it was recording which indigenous companies were getting business and recording successes, commented that it was being tracked by Excel spreadsheet and that it did not have proper numbers. A couple years later we asked the same question and were told it was being tracked on an Excel spreadsheet. Thank God it was not using Lotus 1-2-3, because I am sure the government would, if it could get away with that.
Another section of the report was on large-scale procurement projects, and my favourite one, parliamentary precinct. I want to read part of the report on parliamentary precinct, which reads, “[The government] informed the committee that in fall 2017, PSPC posted a tendering process for project managers for a portion of the rehabilitation of the parliamentary precinct for only three weeks.” For all three of those watching at home, I am referring to the rebuilding of Centre Block, which is about a $10-billion project.
The government put out an RFP that was only valid for about three weeks. The report continues, “Moreover, he highlighted that one of the requirements in that tendering process was that eligible companies had to acquire their resources from within a 50-kilometre radius of Ottawa.” That excluded Métis and indigenous businesses that were just outside of that 50-kilometre limit.
The Liberals, who spend so much time patting themselves on their backs and are almost throwing their arms out from patting themselves on the back so hard, rise repeatedly in the House to say that there is no relationship more important than theirs with the first nations. However, for the symbol of our democracy, Centre Block, the very building that defines freedom and democracy in Canada, they purposely excluded Métis and other indigenous businesses from being able to bid or even being subcontractors on this project. It is mind-boggling and shameful.
We also spoke in committee about the use of aboriginal criteria and that the government should be having their suppliers track subcontractors so we can see if there are community benefits for first nations. Just in the last couple of weeks, we have been studying indigenous procurement, again, at the operations committee. We were told that we are not tracking subcontractors. Why are we not doing this simple process to see if the community benefits are flowing through? The government seems more interested in finding a company that is 51% indigenous-owned, which may be fraudulent or deliver no benefits to the communities, to tick a box, rather than doing the real work.
We heard of this in the ArriveCan scandal, where we had Dalian with its partner, Coradix, which received hundreds of millions in government contracts. Coradix would create a venture with Dalian, which had self-identified as indigenous, receive hundreds of millions in contracts, and then not employ indigenous businesses. The government has known about this, which we know from the study, and it has done nothing.
From the OGGO report from 2017, we learned:
...the [Canadian Council for Aboriginal Business] suggested that the federal government award points to bidders that are Progressive Aboriginal Relations...certified, which consists of an independent jury of Indigenous professionals that “evaluates companies on their relationships with [indigenous] businesses and communities in day to day operations.”
This is another ongoing issue we have heard of. We have had first nations groups come to committee and say that they should be the ones who are deciding who is indigenous, so we do not have that fraud. It should be indigenous-led to dictate who are indigenous companies, not led by PSPC, yet what do we have? We have PSPC defining it based on self-identification, so we have rampant fraud worth perhaps hundreds of millions. We are not sure.
Part of the committee's study was on preventing corporate fronts. PSPC “explained that Indigenous status is not required for Indigenous businesses to be recognized as such since that recognition is based on self-identification.” One has to shake their head and ask why we have clearly identified rules to benefit indigenous companies and at the same time the government states that it is okay as long as people self-identify.
Now, of course, we have the ongoing issue of the other Randy. I am not sure, in the current issue, whether he is the other Randy, the other other Randy, or Randy's other Randy, but we have the 's company, of which he is 50% co-owner, bidding as an indigenous business.
The government said to committee that one is not required to be indigenous to bid. They just have to state that they are indigenous. This is the crux of the issue. We have a government that is more interested in photo ops and virtue signalling than in following the rules and getting the work done. I wish I had more time to discuss this issue because it has been building up for six and a half years, but I will just say that the government should be active on this issue now.
:
Madam Speaker, I would just like to give a round of applause to my colleague, the member for Edmonton Mall, as he often says, for an excellent speech.
I am thankful to participate in this debate because this is what Parliament is all about. It is about debating these very important issues. I am very proud to come here, not only as a representative of Sturgeon River—Parkland but also as a representative of a number of indigenous communities, including the Enoch Cree Nation and the Alexander First Nation, as well as the area that was traditionally occupied by members of the Michel Band. Sadly and unfortunately, in the 1950s, the Michel Band was enfranchised under some suspicious circumstances; to this day, people are still fighting to get the recognition they deserve.
My region, which is in Treaty 6 territory, has been a region of significant settlement for indigenous and Métis peoples. I am very proud not only to be a representative of Sturgeon River—Parkland but also to represent these peoples.
I am rising to speak today on the issue of indigenous procurement programs. For those of my constituents who are watching, I want to provide a bit of background on what we are talking about today. We know that, over the time period of Canada being a country, and even before, indigenous peoples were disadvantaged in many ways by policies that were carried out by the government, racism and a number of other things. I could talk about those things at length, but I am going to focus on indigenous procurement.
We know that these issues have really disenfranchised first nations, indigenous and Métis people, as well as others, from participating in the economy. The ability to participate in the economy is the ability to free oneself to really take charge of one's own life financially. When programs are set up, such as an indigenous procurement program, it is a recognition by government that marginalization has taken place. This needs to be addressed by a special program, with the hope that marginalized communities and entrepreneurs from these communities will have the opportunity to bid on government contracts. They will then be able to build their capacities to provide the services that the government is contracting for, and this will provide economic opportunity for people in their nations across Canada.
What has happened is a symptom of a government that has let its hand get off the wheel of governing and has really taken a laid-back approach to accountability and transparency. What should be a good program to increase capacity and support indigenous peoples with developing their economic capacity has been taken advantage of by unscrupulous actors who are exploiting a weakness in government. They are exploiting a lack of accountability and transparency to access these programs.
We are talking about potentially hundreds of millions of dollars in funds that have been misappropriated. We know that there is this recent phenomenon of pretendians. I am sure it has been a long-lasting phenomenon. Here, people who have no indigenous heritage and no status with any indigenous community claim indigenous heritage through the government's indigenous procurement program. They are trying to give themselves a leg up when seeking out government contracts. We have seen this pretendianism manifest itself in many ways, but this is a very specific example of how it can be financially beneficial.
The member for asked if this was the ultimate grift. This is an example of grift, where we see people taking advantage of a program that is meant to empower marginalized people, and the people who are doing this are very empowered in the first place.
A case in point example is when we are talking about the and his business partner, Stephen Anderson. I do not think anyone in the House would argue that these are marginalized people. These are people who are at the pinnacle of political and economic power in this country. The Minister of Employment was a Rhodes Scholar. He is a very privileged person, yet he and his business partner are checking the box, claiming their indigenous heritage, in order to benefit from a government program. This program is meant to build capacity and support people in marginalized indigenous communities so that they can empower themselves, build their businesses and be successful.
I pray that some day in the future, hopefully sooner rather than later, we will live in a country where there is no need for programs like this because indigenous people will be on an equal footing with all other people in terms of their success and their capacity to build their own businesses and to succeed in the marketplace. I know there are many great indigenous companies that are already succeeding. There are indigenous companies in my riding that are participating, particularly in the oil and gas sector in my province, and are succeeding massively.
There was a recent agreement made under the Alberta Indigenous Opportunities Corporation, which was set up under a Conservative government in Alberta, where we saw indigenous communities such as Enoch Cree Nation in my constituency partner on a new power plant project, the Cascade power plant just outside of Edson, Alberta. This power plant was built on time, on schedule and on budget and is now providing power for the people of Alberta, including many of these first nations communities, and first nations have a tangible ownership stake in this company. That is to show just how successful indigenous people can be when these programs are built correctly and yet, under the current Liberal government, we have seen transparency and accountability really go by the wayside.
There have been research findings revealed by Global News and first nations universities that have uncovered fraudulent schemes where consultants are paying indigenous people to front companies so that they can apply for this program. We are seeing shell company operators who have been abusing loopholes for years while Indigenous Services Canada is just standing by. We had witnesses who came to the government operations committee who said very clearly that this is harming indigenous peoples because it is not only taking away financial economic opportunities that indigenous people should be given priority to access, but it is also undermining the very programs themselves. When people see that this fraudulent activity is taking place, it undermines the public support for these very important programs. Therefore, we need to ensure that these programs are targeted. We need to ensure that officials are doing the background checks necessary so that the people these programs have been designed to help are being helped. That is when we will see Canadians continue to firmly support these programs.
Talking again about the , a colleague of mine during question period today made a very interesting point, which is that when the first indigenous justice minister, Jody Wilson-Raybould, stood up to government corruption, she was removed from cabinet and yet, we have another Liberal minister who pretended to be indigenous to try to get government contracts when he was in the private sector and he is still standing on the front bench. It speaks volumes that we have a who allows this to happen under his leadership. Leadership comes from the top down, and when people in the Liberal Party see what their Prime Minister is getting away with, I guess they just take it as an example of what they think that they will be allowed to get away with themselves.
I just want to say that I am incredibly proud to represent so many wonderful indigenous, first nations and Métis peoples in my region. I have been speaking to leaders in the community and they are absolutely furious that these programs have been exploited by bad actors in order to enrich themselves while indigenous business owners who are very deserving have been left out, either from a lack of information or a lack of funding. These funds are going to companies that do not have the right to access these funds. It is really a slap in the face to reconciliation for the government not to take action immediately to solve these issues.
I would like to move a subamendment. I move:
That the amendment be amended, in paragraph (c), by adding the following: “(iii) given priority to this study, subject only to its order of referencing Bill C-61, An Act respecting water, source water, drinking water, wastewater and related infrastructure on First Nation lands; and (iv) have the first priority for the use of House resources for committee meetings, subject to any special orders previously adopted, for the studies referred to in subparagraph (iii)”.
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Madam Speaker, before I start my comments today, I have an opportunity, because I am standing up, to recognize Sabrina Larson, who has worked in my constituency office for 16 years. She is here in Ottawa today to get a long service award. I cannot tell whether she is in the House but I am very thankful for the work she has done for many, many years, helping my constituents handle their casework. I serve what is no doubt the largest constituency by population in the country, with a lot of casework. We think there are between 260,000 and 280,000 people right now in Edmonton—Wetaskiwin. I am looking forward to the boundary changes in the next election. I should mention that Sabrina's husband, Laine, is here in Ottawa. I am very thankful for him as well.
The new constituency, when the boundaries take effect at the election, will be switched from Edmonton—Wetaskiwin to Leduc—Wetaskiwin. In that new constituency, the community of Maskwacis will be added to my constituency. I am very much looking forward to the riding boundaries being moved in that way. It is very important for Maskwacis to be included in the region we are in.
Of course, the hon. member for and I may not agree on very many things, but as he spoke today, I was listening intently. I appreciated his comments, and I appreciated, especially, his shout-out to Willie Littlechild, who was the member of Parliament for that area, I believe, from 1984 to 1993, or in that time frame anyway.
We also have a connection in that he is very involved with the Edmonton Oilers Community Foundation. I worked for the Edmonton Oilers before I was elected. I am very thankful to Willie for his contributions to the broader community and specifically to the community of Maskwacis.
This debate is really important. As I was listening to the debate today, I was struck by Liberal members, including the Liberal member for , the parliamentary secretary to the government House leader, and, earlier, the member for , standing up and completely discounting the importance of this conversation, completely demeaning the fact that we would even have this conversation today, talking about how unimportant it is.
Of course, the member for called it “fake news”. Just a few minutes ago, as we were talking, he referred to the whole debate we are having today as “fake news”. Interestingly, Conservatives have brought up this issue at various committees in the House. We are having this debate today because of a concurrence motion brought forward by Conservatives.
The member will have the opportunity to vote on this concurrence motion and the amendments in the coming days. We will look forward to seeing how the member for votes.
I want to focus on the member of Parliament for and the broader issue here. Of course, he is the Minister of Employment, Workforce Development and Official Languages—
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Madam Speaker, that is one of the first comments I think I have ever heard the hon. member make that I might agree with. We agree that it seems as though the in question sees every government program as a personal opportunity. That is what we are talking about today. It sounds like the hon. member was making the same point I am.
I was going back to the conversations I have had in year-end panels with the , where just the two of us, sometimes three when an NDP member from Edmonton was there, talked about the situation with the federal government and the impact on Edmontonians or Albertans. The minister constantly repeated government talking points as they relate to, for example, the energy sector in Alberta. As mentioned earlier today, there are few industries more committed to indigenous involvement and meaningful indigenous contribution and benefit than the energy sector in Canada, yet the minister constantly stands in opposition in the House to the energy sector in Alberta.
I had the opportunity to do four constituent round tables last week, and it is unfortunate that with the scandals facing the today, he is not able to take part in meaningful conversations at cabinet. I believe there is a cabinet meeting tomorrow. I suspect this cabinet meeting will be more consumed with the side hustles of the minister than talking about employment, the workforce or official languages.
What my constituents are concerned about is our broken systems across the board. The government seems consumed with experimental policy on housing, immigration, public safety, energy and the environment. All of these issues were things that constituents were consumed with at the four constituent round table meetings I had over the past week. They are very concerned that their Liberal government, propped up by the NDP, is not just lost in the conversations but completely incompetent when it comes to dealing with the very real issues that Canadians are facing today.
With the indigenous procurement strategy, the outcome was supposed to be a stimulating of economic activity that benefits indigenous people, with a 5% set-aside for indigenous businesses. Of federal contracts, 5% were supposed to go to indigenous businesses, but before this even came up, a concern was raised, which has been raised over the last little while. There are three different areas of abuse that we can point to: instances where non-indigenous companies claimed to be indigenous and came to be regarded as indigenous by the federal government; instances where the joint ventures between indigenous and non-indigenous companies, which meant the joint ventures could access set-asides, led to the work and benefits bring monopolized by non-indigenous partners; and instances where small, nominally indigenous companies received contracts and then subcontracted them to non-indigenous companies. The first of these instances is what we are dealing with right now.
Even before this conflict, many of us, many of my constituents and, I would say, most people in Alberta believed that it was time for the to resign. The context to the conversation we are having today is that there was an underlying conversation about indigenous procurement and, as we have talked about, this concept of “pretendians”, as they have come to be known.
We were already having this conversation, and then it came to light over the last week that the himself and the organization, the company that he is a part of and has been a part of, is engaged in this same activity. I believe the lobbyist that he is tied to has received $110 million in government funds, which are taxpayer funds. Let us be clear on this. We are not talking about government money. The government has no money. Individual Canadians have money taken from their paycheques, money that would otherwise be used for things such as food, housing and maybe the odd vacation, if they can afford it. Instead, this lobbyist received $110 million. Then, while the minister was a partner in the company, it received a further $8 million in government contracts. In fact, he was a director in the company. There was already a conversation happening about that, and then this new situation came to light.
I will point out a couple of things that are really important in terms of the conversation. In question period today, we will notice something about the responses from the government on this particular question. No one denied that, before he was a minister or a member of Parliament, the pretended to be indigenous and that his company applied for federal funding. Even in the answers in question period today, nobody denied that this is the case. The , I believe, did an interview after question period today, and this is what she said. We should listen carefully to the wording. She said, “We addressed the fact that that business was never listed as an Indigenous business on the procurement site, and it in fact received no funding from the Government of Canada.”
I would hope the is holding his cabinet ministers to a higher standard than that. The assertion is that, before he was a minister, the pretended to be indigenous and his company applied for funding meant for indigenous procurement. The fact that the government did not give it that funding does not change anything about the minister's conduct and the question of whether the minister meets the standard that Canadians would expect.
I do not think there is any doubt that most Canadians would say that the needs to resign and that, if he does not resign, he absolutely needs to be fired by the . I would bet that, if we polled Canadians on that question and let them know exactly what the circumstances are, it would be 99% in favour of the Prime Minister firing the minister. I would be surprised if it were not. That is how serious this circumstance is that we are discussing today.
I am curious about the questions I will be asked. The Speaker is signalling to me that there is no time for questions. I will miss the member for asking me a question today.
I will comment further on this. I want to point out something interesting: It seems that even the 's cabinet colleagues have questions. It was interesting again today, in the early part of question period, that in question after question, no other minister was willing to stand up and defend the minister. It is very rare to see the minister have to stand up. He did not actually respond to or answer the questions. After question period, when a reporter asked the clearly about the situation, he said, “It's for [him] to continue explaining the circumstances.” He named the Minister of Employment, not the other Randy.
Even Liberal ministers do not want to carry the water for the Liberal . In the larger picture, his time is up. His time is almost certainly up as a minister. Even as incompetent a government as this government is, there is no way it can possibly continue having the minister serve in the capacity that he is serving in. His time as a member of Parliament will be up too, because there is no way that even the staunchest supporters in Edmonton Centre will support him. They were not going to vote for the Liberal government anyway, but they certainly are not going to vote for this member of Parliament when the time comes.
I will conclude by saying that we look forward to the debate this week. We hope that ministers in the government and maybe the , if he is able to make it out this week, have some responses to this. We also look forward to seeing how every member of the House votes on this motion.