:
Mr. Chair, I remember very clearly being in Moscow on a parliamentary mission in the mid-1980s as Gorbachev's perestroika got under way. This process had the potential to set the people of Russia free, as they were trapped in a fundamentally defective, undemocratic system, and to finally allow them to express their industriousness and creativity in service of their values and interests. That is what the potential was back in the mid-1980s. Russia was facing serious challenges but looking for ways to meet them. There was reason for optimism in Moscow in those years.
What followed in the 1980s and 1990s was a turbulent period for Russia, one marked with great opportunity but also great risks, and sometimes great losses. Despite the difficulties, Russia made democratic strides and had the potential to leave those difficulties behind, as the growing pains of a real democracy, with a strong economy. How different things are today.
Putin has done his utmost to put the genie back in the bottle. He is restricting his people's freedom at home and offering them false promises of global greatness through actions that, in truth, undermine Russia's status both in the region and on the broader international stage. Putin has even refused to take the steps necessary for the Russian people to enjoy a long-term prosperity. Instead, he has rewarded his friends in the hope that high oil prices will allow them to bankroll his regime.
Today, the Russian people are paying the price for this cronyism and short-sightedness. The Russian economy is in no position to cope with the new economic realities, including the low price of oil. The Russian people are hurting.
[Translation]
In the meantime, the sanctions imposed by Canada and its partners in response to the Russian aggression in Ukraine are being felt. The Russian government itself has recognized this.
[English]
The Russian regime lives in the past. It is trying to preserve Russia's outdated political system and its unreformed economy. It has little to offer the Russian people and it is trying to hold the Ukrainian people back.
In addition to its military activities, the regime is waging a propaganda war, using everything from state-controlled media to Internet trolls to convince us that the Ukrainian government is fascist, that Russia has no troops in Ukraine, that the Crimea voted to join Russia, and other falsehoods.
Russia is hoping to use the democratic freedoms it curtails at home, and in particular its chokehold on the freedom of the press, to spread disinformation and weaken Ukraine's resolve to defend its core values. It sees anyone's attachment to these freedoms as a weakness. This tells us all we need to know about how poorly Putin understands democracy and the power of democracies.
[Translation]
Russia depends on propaganda, because it knows its actions are indefensible.
[English]
There is nothing left in the Putin government that represents the spirit of perestroika that I witnessed in Red Square all those years ago.
This is the second assault by the Putin regime on an independent country in barely over five years. We must not forget the attack on Georgia in 2008.
Russia's actions in Ukraine call for a robust and sustained response by Canada and its partners. It means supporting Ukrainian people to exercise their sovereignty. It means supporting European security in the face of the Kremlin's attempts to change borders by force. It means imposing costs on the Putin regime in the Kremlin for its actions.
Defending Ukraine in the face of Russia's aggression means defending pluralistic democracy, freedom, human rights and the rule of law. It means building transparent and democratic institutions where bullies and thugs are held to account.
Lasting peace and prosperity in Ukraine is dependent on having the capacity, through democratic and transparent institutions, to balance values and interests.
[Translation]
It is a disciplined and determined approach that will be Canada’s best contribution to the people of Ukraine.
[English]
We know that $400 million in economic stabilization is important in terms of supporting the incredible list of civil societies. We know that the contribution of non-lethal military equipment and training is vital to pushing back the oppressors. We know that the support of our professional monitors and what they provide is essential.
For me, though, it is the investment that we provide in bilateral development to advance reform, democracy and the rule of law that is most important. Only with sound governance on much needed democratic reforms will Ukraine prevail from the strength of its ideals and it belief in independence and self-rule. Contrast this with Putin's cronyism and his determination to undermine the Ukrainian people's sovereignty over their own government. It is, in other words, precisely what Russia aims to prevent.
When it comes to supporting the people of Ukraine, Canada will not relent. Whether by sending hundreds of observers to support free and fair elections, by training judges to improve the independence and transparency of the judiciary, or by working directly with Ukrainian cities to enhance their ability to analyze their economies and to plan, Canada is helping to build up the Ukrainian state.
In recent days, we have spoken about moral clarity in this place. We have to allow the people of Ukraine to emerge from this crisis with the power, the will and the intellectual and moral impetus to shape their country in accordance with their own values.
The Ukrainian people will not be intimidated. Last year, they took to the streets to ensure that their country would stay on the European path, and paid for it in blood when the Yanukovych regime cracked down. However, they persisted and prevailed. Today, they face a similar challenge as the Putin regime attempts to intimidate them into submission. This tactic failed for Yanukovych and it will fail for Putin.
Canada and the international community stand with the people of Ukraine. Today and tomorrow, the Ukrainian people can count on us standing shoulder to shoulder with them as they work to secure their country's future as a secure, stable and prosperous democracy.
:
Mr. Chair, I appreciate your comments and that we only have 10 minutes. That is not very long, so I will try to cut right to the chase.
I first want to agree with my colleague from that we stand here in solidarity with the people of Ukraine as they struggle to confront the many problems they have and at the same time deal with the fact that the Russians are trying to undermine the stability that we thought they had achieved. What is frightening in a way is how quickly the situation deteriorated from a year and a half ago to what we are dealing with today.
Originally, this debate was going to be about the subject of Canadian support to help train and build the capacity of Ukrainian military personnel, but it has turned to a more broad point about the conflict situation in Ukraine. I guess people can talk about whatever aspect of it is important to them.
I want to talk about the current situation that we have, with the UN human rights office recognizing that since last April, only one year ago, more than 6,000 people, military and civilians, have been killed and some 15,000 wounded, and that conditions in eastern Ukraine, particularly those areas held by anti-government forces are extremely difficult. In northern Donetsk and Luhansk, water and electricity supplies are frequently disrupted by shelling and rocket attacks and the number of people internally displaced has now reached some 1.2 million. That is an astonishing situation in about a year.
We know how this started, with the instability in the government and the actions by Yanukovych. The path that Ukraine was on to make a close economic arrangement with Europe was stopped by the then prime minister. That led to a protest, which eventually led to a civil war after he was deposed. How quickly that turned into the situation we have now is really an indication of how much instability there was in Ukraine that could be fomented into the civil war so quickly.
Who can forget the shock in July 2014 when Malaysian Airlines flight MH17 was shot down and the loss of 298 lives? All of us were shocked to know that such a thing could happen. A civilian airliner with innocent rights of passage over Ukraine was shot down in that situation. That was followed by the horrific scenes of preventing rescue personnel and international relief efforts from trying to remove the bodies and bring them back to loved ones. It was a shock to all of us that this could happen so rapidly in a country that we thought was on the road to a relationship with some harmony, with some conflict and dispute, yes, but with an opportunity at least to have a relationship with Europe as well as hopefully continuing a relationship with Russia. That turned out not to be possible, and we are where we are today.
A lot of work has been done. I want to talk about some of the military side of it, because this debate has been prompted by the recent decision by Canada to send 200 troops to Ukraine to help in training and building the capacity of the Ukrainian military, which is very important for the stability of Ukraine and for the ability of the Ukrainian people to maintain their territorial integrity. We know there are serious problems in the Ukrainian military. When we tried to deliver non-lethal weaponry, we actually had to build up our own supply lines to ensure the goods got to where they were supposed to, because of ongoing problems with corruption within the Ukrainian military.
Something has to be done about that, and I think NATO has stepped in to do that. There are five trust funds set up by NATO to make that possible: the logistics and standardization trust fund; command, control, communications trust fund, to which Canada has contributed $1 million; the cyberdefence trust fund; the military career management trust fund; and a medical rehabilitation trust fund. These are funds that were set up by NATO to build on the medium term professionalism and growth, and the ability of the Ukrainian military to do a proper job.
Canada has also contributed to the NATO reassurance mission. We need to put that in the right perspective. What was the purpose of that? The purpose of that was to show, first of all, the Russians and Mr. Putin, in particular, but also to show our allies, particularly in the Baltics and the neighbouring states of Russia that NATO means business, that article 5, the special and most important clause of the NATO treaty where one country is attacked, all other countries would come to its defence.
It was particularly concerning to the Baltic states: Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia. They felt very vulnerable and as a result NATO stepped up the efforts, called the reassurance package. Canada participated quite dramatically in that with aircraft, with naval vessels and with training missions both in Poland and contributing for the first time to Baltic air policing that had been going on since 2005. That was an important contribution.
As a member of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, I have been to Riga, Latvia and Vilnius. We do learn from these experiences how important NATO is to these countries, which are recently part of NATO and were part of the former Soviet Union. It is extremely important for them to know that NATO is there to help them.
NATO played a very significant role and Canada, being a part of that to provide that assurance, is there. It is indirectly helping Ukraine. The government has overplayed that a little and said this was a direct support to Ukraine. It did support Ukraine because Ukraine was aware that NATO and the allies would ensure Mr. Putin did not go any further than he has and these sanctions are a very important part of that. That was indirect assistance to Ukraine.
The direct assistance we are talking about now with 200 troops to provide some training is important as well. I imagine the will speak in a little while and talk about the exact role. These are some of the questions that we wanted answered. We wanted a debate in the House and wanted to have a vote on this. We wanted to know what exactly has happened.
We do know that Ukraine needs a lot of help not just on the military side but as the said, we have to talk about the long-term stability of Ukraine. I will end by reflecting on the statement made by the minister of finance of Ukraine who was quoted by my colleague from Parkdale—High Park because it is a role for the Ukrainian government to play and people to play. There needs to be a lot of institutional changes.
I know from talking to people from Ukraine that the whole issue of corruption is extremely important and has to be fixed. Canada should be able to make a bigger contribution to that specific aspect than it has so far.
Natalie Jaresko, Ukrainian minister of finance, said in March of this year:
International support can only be effective if the Ukrainian government is also effective and diligent in its efforts to reform the country, fight corruption, improve transparency and accountability, improve the rule of law and create the conditions for the return of economic growth and prosperity.
We know that the European Union has put up $11 billion euros to assist in economic development and $5 billion of that has already been advanced in loans and grants. That is a considerable and significant effort. There is a strong international effort to help the Ukrainian people and Canada should be, and is, a part of it.
We do have some issues about that and I think the foreign affairs critic for our party and other colleagues will make some comments on that in the debate as we go forward.
:
Mr. Chair, the Liberal Party and I welcome this take note debate. Canada has been involved in a significant manner in support of Ukraine in a number of different ways over the past year. It is a good thing for us to meet tonight to discuss the latest involvement, which is the provision of training for Ukrainian soldiers, a measure that we in the Liberal Party have said quite clearly we support.
Speaking very candidly, I would also like to point out, and I am very proud of this, that if we go back to December 2013, it was, in fact, my colleague from Wascana who first brought the need to come to the assistance of Ukraine to the attention of the House. We have done quite a bit since then and I commend the government for it, and we will, of course, be continuing to do that.
[Translation]
It is important for us as members to express why Canada has taken the position it has to provide assistance to Ukraine.
[English]
Let me begin with some fundamentals.
We in Canada recognize the sovereignty of Ukraine. It is important to say that. It is a country which is totally free to chart its own destiny. It does not matter one bit that it is a country which at one time was part of the Soviet Union. The past is irrelevant, if I can put it that way. History cannot be allowed to dictate the future. Since the breakup of the Soviet Union, Ukraine has been an independent and sovereign country. That is a fundamental starting point of this discussion.
[Translation]
Let us start with Crimea. Crimea is part of Ukraine. More than 50 years ago, the Soviet regime under Nikita Khrushchev ceded Crimea to Ukraine, except for the Sevastopol naval base. Crimea belongs to Ukraine, period. I would also add that Ukraine got rid of its nuclear weapons in the 1990s, an act that was supposed to guarantee Ukraine’s territorial integrity. It is clearly a commitment that has not been respected by Russia.
I repeat: Ukraine is a sovereign country that includes Crimea and all its territory, including the eastern part of the country, even though there are people of Russian ethnic origin in this country. No foreign power has the right to violate Ukraine’s territorial integrity.
[English]
Ukraine made the decision to turn to the west for economic reasons in order to seek greater ties with Europe. It is perfectly free to do so. These are the decisions that sovereign countries make. President Putin is not entitled to protest such a decision for the simple reason that it might create more competition for Russian exports. Nor is he allowed to invoke the historical past and argue that Russia somehow has a say in such a decision. Nor is President Putin entitled to say that he is coming to the rescue of those Ukrainians who want to remain closely allied to Russia, whether for ethnic or other reasons.
To put it bluntly, it is simply none of his business, and for anyone to invoke historical ties or previous dominance is unacceptable. It is a matter for Ukraine to decide its future destiny because it is a sovereign state.
It is important for a country such as Canada to stand up for Ukraine. That is what we have done with various measures in the past year.
[Translation]
Canada decided to act to show Russia that its actions, beginning with the invasion of Crimea, were completely unacceptable. We all support this decision.
Let us now take a look at the details, beginning with the economic sanctions. Like other countries, including the United States and a number of other European countries, Canada decided to impose economic sanctions on certain Russian citizens, in particular those who were close to the president. These kinds of sanctions may have an effect over the long term, but we must be patient and persistent. Ultimately the sanctions will prove effective, and we have already noted that there have been a number of consequences for Russia. Combined with the drop in the price of oil, Russia’s major export, sanctions are beginning to have a negative impact on the Russian economy.
However, we must continue to be patient and keep Russia isolated. As we know, the value of the Russian currency has fallen on financial markets. President Putin himself recently announced that Russia’s GDP has dropped about 4% this year.
[English]
Economic sanctions work. Look at Iran, for example. However, we have to be patient and we have to ramp them up over time so that their effect becomes more and more constraining. No amount of bravado on the part of President Putin can disguise the fact that economic sanctions are having a negative effect on Russia. Eventually, it will become hard to hide from the majority of Russian citizens.
Before leaving the issue of sanctions, it is important to point out that it is not so much the number of people who are sanctioned as it is who is sanctioned. It is for this reason that the Liberal Party of Canada has been for asking for a long time that Igor Sechin, possibly the second most powerful person in Russia after Putin and an extremely close confidant of the president, be added by Canada to the list of sanctioned people. The United States and other countries have done this, and we simply cannot understand why Canada has not yet done so. The same applies to Vladimir Yakunin.
We need to follow our strong rhetoric with strong action. Other measures taken by Canada include the following military and security-related measures: contributing to the NATO reassurance mission; providing Ukrainian forces with non-kinetic military equipment; and what we are discussing today, which is the recent decision that the Liberal Party supports of providing training to Ukrainian soldiers at bases in the west of the country over the next two years.
Some have raised the issue that Canada could end up providing training to soldiers of questionable loyalty. Having spoken to a DND official recently at the foreign affairs committee on this matter, I am not concerned about that risk.
Finally, Canada is also making available RADARSAT-2 satellite data to Ukraine in order to provide it with greater situational awareness of what is happening on its territory.
[Translation]
In addition to all this, Canada made a commitment to providing moderate economic assistance, a loan of $200 million, and we have also opened the door to discussions leading to a possible free trade agreement. The Liberal Party believes it is also important for Canada to eliminate, for the time being, certain tariffs on Ukrainian exports in order to help stimulate Ukraine’s economy.
Furthermore, it is important for Canada to become involved in the process to democratize Ukrainian institutions, particularly in order to help Ukraine get rid of corruption, which is a major problem. We must remember that Ukraine does not have a long-standing democratic tradition.
[English]
Before I conclude, let us talk about diplomacy.
While the 's strong words to President Putin at the G20 Australian summit may have made us feel good, it is important never to lose and never to close the door to diplomacy and negotiation. This is what has effectively happened between Canada and Russia. While our position may be clear, solutions are never found without diplomacy and discussion, even if those discussions are difficult. Angela Merkel and François Hollande understand this and they continue diplomatic efforts.
I hope that we in Canada will also be part of future discussions. Otherwise, we remain somewhat on the sidelines in helping to find any possible solution.
:
Mr. Chair, thank you to you and members of the committee for their participation in this important debate about Canada's ongoing and forward leaning leadership role in supporting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine against the aggression planned and executed by Russian president Vladimir Putin and his support of violent extremists, who are responsible for the loss of thousands of lives in Ukraine over the past many months.
The Government of Canada believes that the ultimate responsibility for the terrible crime and disaster of the Malaysian Airlines flight being shot down over eastern Ukrainian territory rests with the Kremlin and President Putin. We join with all free and civilized peoples in demanding accountability for that terrible crime.
I am pleased to contribute to this important debate concerning our ongoing response.
[Translation]
When Russia launched its attack on Ukraine last February, resulting in the illegal occupation of Crimea, Canada acted quickly, in a show of solidarity with the people of Ukraine. We continue to take action today.
[English]
As the Prime Minister has made clear, “Canada continues to stand with the people of Ukraine in the face of the Putin regime's ongoing aggression”. As he said face to face with President Putin at the margins at the G20 in Melbourne last fall, “I'll shake your hand, just so I can tell you that you need to get out of Ukraine now”.
[Translation]
On April 13, the , the Chief of Defence Staff, General Lawson, and I announced enhanced support for Ukraine in the form of a training mission that will start later this year.
This is in addition to the long-standing training opportunities already offered by the Department of National Defence through its military training and cooperation program. The training will be held in western Ukraine, primarily at the NATO Partnership for Peace Training and Education Centre in Yavoriv.
I should add that Canada and the United States helped the Ukrainians build this training centre a few years ago. There will also be training on improvised explosive devices at the Ukrainian Ministry of Defence Demining Centre in Kamyanets-Podilskyk, in southwestern Ukraine.
[English]
Our contribution will consist of approximately 200 personnel who will provide training assistance until March 21, 2017. That is the decision of the government, of course. The government at that time will make a decision as to whether or not to expand or extend the training mission.
It will do so in the fields of first, individual and unit tactics training, which most lay people would understand as conventional military training; second, military police skills and procedures; third, explosive ordnance disposal; and fourth, flight safety training, combat and combat first aid, and logistics systems modernization.
Let me assure members that the Canadian Armed Forces will only train units from the Ukrainian armed forces, not from individual militias, contrary to some inaccurate media reports in the Ottawa Citizen.
[Translation]
We will work closely with Ukraine's Ministry of Internal Affairs, which will conduct a thorough investigation of everyone who participates in this training.
We will also continue to share satellite images and information with the Ukrainian government, to help it stay on top of the situation.
[English]
Sharing satellite imagery with Ukraine has no negative effect on Canada's ability to use RADARSAT-2 for supporting the defence and security of Canada, again contrary to inaccurate and misleading reports that appeared in the Ottawa Citizen.
I should point out that when President Petro Poroshenko visited us in Ottawa last autumn, his number one ask of Canada was the sharing of these RADARSAT images to assist Ukraine in having a better situational understanding of the Russian threat posed within its own territory.
I am pleased to say that within days of becoming Minister of National Defence, we signed the memorandum of understanding and began sharing those images on a regular basis. They have been enormously helpful to the Ukrainians.
Canada's contribution has been fully coordinated and sychronized with the efforts of the United States in the region through the United States-Ukraine Joint Commission. This support to the Ukrainian people exemplifies Canada's commitment to work with our international allies and partners to help build Ukraine's capacity and to preserve and promote a free, democratic, and peaceful region.
We are helping Ukraine with the resources available. This past August, Canada provided non-lethal military supplies to Ukraine, including a range of targeted protection medical and logistical equipment, such as 7,000 helmets, 30,000 sets of ballistic eyewear, 2,300 protective vests, 300 first aid kits, 100 tents, and 735 sleeping bags.
When he spoke to this very place, where you are sitting, Mr. Chair, this past September, President Poroshenko said:
As a commander-in-chief, as a Ukrainian, and as a father of a soldier, I thank Canada for each life that is being saved today in the Ukrainian Donbass by the helmets and bulletproof vests you gave us.
Since that time, we have made further commitments. Canada committed to a further contribution of non-lethal military supplies. From that commitment, Canada has delivered 30,000 coats, 70,000 pairs of Gore-Tex boots, and other equipment.
I have been told by Ukrainians who have contact with the troops that this Canadian equipment was, throughout the last winter, the most desired equipment in the Ukrainian military. In fact, it became known as Kanadki, basically Canadian wear, a very popular expression of solidarity.
Once manufacturing is finalized, Canada will also be sending 22 Harris high-frequency radios, 238 pairs of PVS-7 night vision goggles, 1,100 tactical medical kits, a mobile field hospital structure, and a yet to-be-determined amount of explosive ordnance disposal equipment.
Let me add a word of appreciation for the enormous contributions made, charitably, by Canadians, many but not all from the Canadian-Ukrainian community, who have contributed millions of dollars to support first aid kits, and indeed, for medical doctors who have flown to Ukraine to act as medical volunteers. We salute them for their contribution.
[Translation]
In addition to this commitment, in January 2014, the government announced a contribution of more than $578 million in assistance to Ukraine.
This assistance includes initiatives to promote stabilization and economic growth in order to strengthen security and foster civil society.
I should add that Ukraine is the only European country with which Canada has a humanitarian development program through which it receives this assistance. Furthermore, in August 2014, we donated non-lethal military supplies to Ukraine, such as medical and logistics supplies, including helmets, goggles and ballistic protective equipment. In November, Canada also committed to providing additional supplies, as I mentioned.
[English]
The following month, Canada signed a declaration of intent with Ukraine for joint military training and capacity building in response to Russia's belligerence. In January, we formalized the provision of military assistance to Ukraine by joining the U.S.–Ukraine Joint Commission and agreeing to co-chair with Ukraine that commission's military police subcommittee.
I would also like to speak to the strong role we are playing in NATO assurance measures. We have made robust contributions to strengthening security in central and eastern Europe by providing $1 million to the NATO trust fund for Ukraine, with a focus on improving its command, control, communications, and computer capabilities. We have contributed to three NATO-accredited centres of excellence in the Baltic region on cyberdefence, energy, security, and strategic communications. There is, of course, the deployment of Canadian military personnel and assets in central and eastern Europe as part of Operation Reassurance, including CF-18s, which have participated in Baltic air policing patrol; the HMCS Fredericton, which is participating in patrols in the Black Sea; and more than 200 Canadian infantrymen, who are present in Poland as we speak.
[Translation]
The Canadian army is deployed on the ground in central Europe, as I said, which is giving confidence to the countries in eastern Europe.
[English]
All of this constitutes a robust response by Canada. Let there be no doubt, with this further military training operation, that Canada, Canadians, and the Canadian Armed Forces stand side by side with our Ukrainian friends and partners in sending a message of strength and resolve to a bully in Vladimir Putin, who only understands the language of deterrence. We continue to stand by the people of Ukraine.
:
Mr. Chair, as we know, Ukraine is caught in a very difficult situation. We have talked a great deal about it in this debate. Its situation is very difficult from a geopolitical point of view and in terms of defending its territory, as well as from a human point of view.
I would like to take some time to talk about it at greater length, so that we do not forget that after all these are human beings who have been caught in this situation. We must not forget that since April 2014, according to the UN and the World Health Organization, more than 6,000 people have died and more than 15,000 people have been wounded. The situation in the eastern part of the country is still extremely difficult. North of Donetsk and Lugansk, there have been many disruptions in water and electrical services. In the Donetsk area alone, 10,000 residential buildings have been destroyed. A large number of factories, roads and airports have also been destroyed, and the electrical power infrastructure has been completely wiped out.
The number of people displaced by the conflict has now reached 1.1 million. I see my colleagues all around me here. I come from the greater Montreal area. The number of people who have been displaced in Ukraine is the equivalent of half of the greater Montreal area. In addition, tens of thousands of people are trying to leave the country by all sorts of means and are seeking refuge, trying to emigrate, and so on. In short, it is a very harsh human and humanitarian situation.
The economic situation is also very uncertain. In the last year or so, the value of the Ukrainian currency has dropped by about 70%. Here again, we must always think about what this represents. We have seen Canada’s currency drop, but imagine if it suddenly dropped to 25 or 30 cents U.S. Imagine the impact that this would have on our daily lives. In addition, in 2015 Ukraine must pay back an $11 billion debt. We know its risk of defaulting on the payment is quite high.
According to the Ukrainian minister of finance, the country spends $5 million every day on the conflict alone. That is huge for a country that is facing enormous economic problems.
At this time of great need, Canada must stand with Ukraine and we must be true to our friendship with Ukraine. There is a great deal that we can do.
For one thing, we can continue to put pressure on Russia. Moments ago, the once again told us that Canada has sanctioned more individuals than any other country. Is he serious? What matters is not the number of people sanctioned, but the people being targeted. Tomorrow we could decide to add all of the veterinarians in Moscow to our sanctions list. That would probably add a few hundred names to the sanctions list, but it would have no impact at all unless Vladimir Putin has an animal he is very fond of and they decide not to treat Vladimir Putin's dog or cat or whatever. This is not about numbers. It is about targeting the right people.
There are two key players: Igor Sechin with Rosneft and Vladimir Yakunin with Russian Railways. They are close confidants of Vladimir Putin. They are on the Americans' list, but for some strange reason, they are not on Canada's list. That is certainly one thing we could do: impose tougher sanctions. The first thing to do is to stop saying that it is the number of people sanctioned that matters rather than the individuals being sanctioned.
We could also help reduce Ukraine's susceptibility to a form of blackmail by offering our expertise in the area of energy efficiency. That may seem odd, but I think this approach could be interesting. Given that we have a great deal of expertise in that area, this assistance could help alleviate some of the pressure being put on Ukrainians and help reduce their dependence on fossil fuels, which Vladimir Putin's Russia is exploiting.
Another aspect, and perhaps the most important, although the others are also important, has to with helping Ukrainians build the society they aspire to. In that regard, democratic development is key, and Canada must absolutely be a partner to Ukraine and support that country in the area of good governance.
I was very interested to hear what the representatives of the Ukrainian Canadian Congress had to say when they appeared before the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development, which I am pleased to be a member of. Their remarks were so poignant, that I would like to quote part of their evidence. They said:
Canada can help foster NGO sector development, especially groups working in the areas of human rights, education, and law reform, as a vibrant civil society is one of the best guarantors of Ukraine's long-term democratic evolution.
I personally feel very good about that. I firmly believe that we must build civil societies because they support good governance and a truly democratic society.
Earlier we were talking about the fight against corruption, even within the army. Reports indicate that supplies provided by the U.S. were diverted and ended up on the black market. Ukrainians themselves, including those I have talked to, are saying that there is corruption at various levels of society. This is another area we can help them with.
As long as there is corruption, there cannot be fair and sustainable economic development, good governance or rule of law. This remains a major challenge in Ukraine, and I think that we could do a lot in that regard, in addition to providing financial support. We have to be there and stand with Ukraine.
In short, as we said earlier in the debate, there is much to be done. This is a friendly debate because we agree on the substance of the issue. The government has already engaged in the areas I mentioned. We encourage it to continue its efforts and to really focus on the issues of ensuring good governance, fighting corruption and strengthening civil society, among others.
Ideally, the government could play an important role in urging other countries to provide assistance. For example, to date, the Ukraine humanitarian response plan, established in February 2015 by the UN, has only received 12% of the funds required.
In 2014, the level of funding was good. However, in 2015, funds are not being collected as quickly as in 2014, probably because there are so many crises in the world. In my opinion, Canada could have a role to play in advising other countries to listen, not to forget Ukraine, to support it, to be present and to continue helping it.
I cannot help but say that had we not burned bridges with so many countries, it would be even easier to participate in the diplomatic efforts that are so vital, but we could at least try.
:
Mr. Chair, I will be sharing my time with the member for .
As we discuss Canada's ongoing and expanded contribution to NATO and Ukraine, it is vital that all members of the House understand that the many steps taken by Russia over the last few years have brought us to this point in time where we are now in a period of conflict, steps which now threaten the safety of the Ukrainian people, a key ally of Canada, and indeed a people integral to Canadian society.
Russia has used force to change borders in Europe, violating international laws and damaging Russia's relations with the west. Russia's illegal annexation of Crimea is a violation of the 1994 Budapest memorandum, which provided assurance for Ukraine's territorial integrity. Whether it takes 5 months or 50 years to liberate Ukraine, we will never recognize the illegal Russian occupation of any Ukrainian territory, including Crimea.
In response to this challenge, Canada has provided assistance worth $578 million, including loan guarantees, for economic stabilization, humanitarian aid, non-kinetic military equipment and other support, including developmental assistance. We have also led the way in economic sanctions against over 210 individuals and entities in Russia. We now propose sending Canadian Armed Forces personnel to Ukraine for training purposes.
Last month, the leader of the NDP stated that his party would not support the expanded mission, since it was not led by the United Nations or NATO. Our government does not plan to go along to get along. We will do what is right, with or without the support from the opposition.
The crisis in Ukraine is simply the latest and most visible in a series of trouble provocations and actions taken by Russia, all of which have demonstrated the Putin regime's blatant and dangerous disregard for international law and the security of Europe. In fact, we now call into question Russia's willingness to engage in meaningful dialogue on issues of European security or the de-escalation of aggression against the Ukrainian people.
Vladimir Putin makes no secret about his disdain for the post-cold war security architecture, making a series of provocative anti-western statements in the press. In recent months we have seen Russian bombers flying through controlled airspace without transponders. We have seen bombers over the English Channel. Right here at home we have seen a sharp increase in Russian activity and aggression in the Arctic in an effort to challenge our Arctic sovereignty. While our military is ready to respond to any and all threats to our northern borders, we have seen a rapid increase in the frequency and size of Russian military exercises in the north. Although the battle rages far away, the effects and consequences are felt right here at home.
Canada hosts a proud Ukrainian community of 1.2 million strong. It is one of Canada's largest ethnic communities, and has been vital in contributing to our social and economic progress. Through hard work, dedication and perseverance for over 100 years, Ukrainians have established themselves at the highest level of government, business and sport and culture throughout the whole of Canadian society. Canada was the first western country to recognize Ukraine's independence. Canada was also the first western government to recognize the genocidal nature of the Holodomor, the famine genocide imposed by the Soviets from 1932 to 1933.
In support of democracy and transparency, Canada sent the largest election observer missions in the last two Ukrainian elections.
The record is clear. Our government has been, and remains, steadfast in our commitment to stand with the people of Ukraine. It is therefore vital that we continue to stand together as allies, the Euro-Atlantic security.
I am proud to support the government's ongoing commitment to the alliance and Canada's expanded bilateral support to Ukraine.
:
Mr. Chair, it is indeed an honour to be in the House to discuss the situation in Ukraine. As someone of Ukrainian heritage and as someone who has a riding that has a large percentage of people who are part of the Ukrainian diaspora, this is an issue that is not only near and dear to us as Ukrainian Canadians, but it is of great concern to all Canadians from coast to coast to coast.
I have to thank the . His leadership on this file is head and shoulders above that of most other world leaders. He had a strong role in making sure that we were there to support Ukraine and its people as they got rid of a very corrupt president in Viktor Yanukovych. The spoke with clarity. He was there at the inauguration of the new government and has been there every step of the way, whenever we met with President Poroshenko, and making sure that we provide the aid that Ukraine has requested of Canada.
When we started this discussion tonight, it was about the training mission that the Canadian Armed Forces are going to be undertaking. I can tell members that I am so proud of our brave men and women who serve in the Canadian Armed Forces for the outstanding work they do day in and day out here in Canada and around the world. It is their capabilities and expertise that they are bringing to the table in Ukraine, which are desperately needed.
When we think about Ukraine under Viktor Yanukovych, he allowed the Ukrainian military to atrophy. A country of 54 million people only had a standup army of 5,000 troops. After the Maidan, after the elections, the invasion, occupation and illegal annexation of Crimea by the Putin regime in Russia, and then ultimately the fighting that we are seeing now in the Donbass in eastern Ukraine, Ukraine does not have the capabilities or the individuals to be able to go out there and fight. It may have a fighting force today of 40,000 to 45,000 troops, but we have to remember that these are all fresh recruits. These are new volunteers and they have not had the basic training that most people in the military get here in Canada. Even though they are battle hardened, they still lack those tactical skills at an individual and unit level. Therefore, it is great that our armed forces are going over to provide this much-needed training and that they will be able to do it a battalion group at a time.
We are doing this in collaboration with the United Kingdom and United States at the Yavoriv base in western Ukraine, which Canada helped build several years ago. It is only a few kilometres from the Polish border and 1,300 kilometres away from the fighting that we see in the Donbass. Our men and women in uniform who are going to be over there doing the training are relatively removed from harm's way.
I know that the opposition has brought up the issue of corruption and the concern that it is taking place. I would remind all members in the House that we have a situation where Canada has signed on with the United States and the United Kingdom to the Ukraine Joint Commission on Defence Reform and Bilateral Cooperation. We are leading the subcommittee in that commission on military placing to deal with the exact problem of corruption within Ukraine's military.
As the has already pointed out, President Poroshenko has been doing lustration and has been trying to remove what they call the fifth column from the Ukrainian government and from the Ukrainian military. We have to be there to support him. That is what the military police are doing and it is what some of the $578 million has gone toward. It is helping with lustration, best practices, respect for human rights and the rule of law, and removing corruption.
I also want to say regarding the military equipment we delivered that I was fortunate enough to go there to ensure that it was handed over in a formal fashion from Canada to the Ukraine armed forces. We also have people over there who have done great work, such as Lenna Koszarny, who is a Canadian living in Ukraine. She is an accountant. She is working with our ambassador, Roman Waschuk. She was there to make sure that all the aid got delivered. There are other volunteers to track its movement as well.
I want to give a big shout-out to them for making sure that our great military equipment is getting into the right hands and is being well-used.
:
Mr. Chair, I just want to say at the outset that I will be sharing my time with the terrific member for .
Tonight, we have heard a lot of debate and comments around the government's recent announcement. That is important. I want to thank my colleagues, in particular my colleague from , our defence spokesperson, for laying out some really important questions, and for a good back-and-forth with government to clarify some points.
I want to focus a little on the sanctions regime. It is really quite important that we talk about this. We all have the same goal, and that is to help the people of Ukraine. It is important to keep that in mind. The actions we have seen, the aggression we have seen and the posturing we have seen from Putin and from the Russian Federation are clearly unacceptable.
It is a question of how we respond, and how we can be effective in our response. I want to reassure, from our side of the House, the people of Ukraine that we are there to help the people of Ukraine. We are there to help them become more independent, obviously, to look at strengthening institutions, to strengthen their economy, to make sure the people, particularly in the east who have been most adversely affected by this aggression, are going to get the support that we can provide to them. Of course that means helping the government in general.
One of the tools that we have been very focused on on this side of the House, and I know the government has engaged and has made mention of sanctions, is to talk about sanctions and what they are intended to do, and how sanctions can be used to attain the goal. I am going to lay that out. The goal should be paramount. It is not just sanctions for sanctions' sake. It is not just to say we are doing something. It is to say we have sanctions for a clear delineated goal.
It is interesting that I have to go over our position that we have been reiterating. There has been a little change on the other side, thankfully, on the sanctions that we think are missing from the government's list that are incorporated, frankly, by the EU and by our friends in the States. My colleague from just raised this question, but it bears repeating.
With regard to Igor Sechin, the government did, and I acknowledge, put Rosneft, the oil company, on the list. Just so members know, Rosneft owns about 30% of an oilfield here in Alberta, Canada. Rosneft is now on the sanctioned list by our government, and I want to acknowledge that, but not Sechin.
I would really like to hear from the government why Igor Sechin is not on the sanctions list. As I said, I acknowledge they did put his company on the list, but if we are actually going to be effective and use sanctions as a clear tool to effect change, to have an impact, we need to coordinate it with our allies, obviously, and we have to put individuals like Sechin on the list. First, because it sends a message; and second, because it will actually affect and hurt Sechin, and of course Putin and the people around him.
We have also asked for Rostec, the state-owned defence and industrial firm, to be on the list. The CEO, Chemezov, has been on the list. He is the chairman of basically an arms export agency. He was a leader in the United Russia Party. His company was sanctioned in the U.S. in September 2014. In this case, we sanctioned the individual but not the company. This is an inversion of what we have seen.
What we have in some cases is we are putting companies on the sanctions list and not the individual, and in this case, looking at Rostec, we are putting the individual on the list but not the company. What requires an explanation here is the incoherence of the government's approach, which is not in keeping with that of our allies.
Yakunin has been mentioned before. He is the CEO of the Russian railways. He is a long-time friend of Putin. He was sanctioned by the U.S. in March 2014. He is involved in Russian rail projects, joint venture agreements with Canadian companies.
We have these individuals who are not on the list and some companies that are, and it lacks coherence.
I want to just highlight those individuals and those companies because, in the case of Igor Sechin, we will not find someone who is closer.
I would just end with this. Sanctions will be ineffective unless they target significant economic relations. The U.S. and the EU sanctions are what brought the Russians to the negotiating table. Canada's make-believe sanctions have deprived it of any role in these talks. Russians, no strangers to deception, can recognize a ruse when they see it. That was by Michael Byers, who is a professor of law. He pointed this out. I am pointing it out. We have a problem in our approach with sanctions, and I want to lay that on the table.
:
Mr. Chair, I thought I was going to have 10 minutes, so having 5 minutes I will speak a little quicker.
I am very pleased to take part in the debate on the situation in Ukraine. On behalf of the people of Canada, we are all here tonight united in the determination to not let the situation in Ukraine fall from our agenda and to ensure that we are standing strong in condemnation of Vladimir Putin and his actions, his invasion in Ukraine. We stand firm in support and solidarity with the people of Ukraine.
I am also very pleased to speak on behalf of my constituency of Parkdale—High Park, which has a large number of Ukrainians, many of the more than 1.2 million Ukrainian Canadians in Canada. The cities of Toronto and Kiev are twinned actually, so we have close links to Ukraine. I have really learned from the people in my community the lessons of history. These are people who lived under the former Soviet Union, whose relatives suffered through the Holodomor, the famine genocide. I have had the great privilege of being an election observer four times in Ukraine and of receiving young Ukrainian interns in my office here on Parliament Hill.
In particular, working with the young Ukrainian interns has taught me a lot. It has taught me that young people do not give up hope. They want, I think, what people everywhere want. They want a normal, modern democracy. They want to be governed by the rule of law. They want to have confidence in their judiciary. They want to have democratic freedoms and human rights and to be free of corruption. These young people come here to learn about our government and to learn about a democracy in the hope that they can go back and help build a stronger democracy in their country.
However, what is called the “spirit of Maidan” has really been betrayed. There were people killed there and many more have died since. I was going to recap some of the terrible recent history. However, a couple of years ago who would have thought we would be in the situation we are today with 6,000 dead; more than 1.2 million Ukrainians displaced; thousands of buildings, apartments and factories destroyed; and the Ukrainian economy very perilous right now.
We join together. This is a debate in the spirit of collegiality to say that we stand in unison with the people of Ukraine.
I want to especially give a shout-out to Paul Grod and the Ukrainian Canadian Congress, because it has been the Ukrainian diaspora that has really been vigilant and forceful in demanding accountability and support for Ukraine. I really want to thank them. There have been many long cold vigils and rallies and it has been a pleasure to stand with the community, as many of us here have.
Let me be clear, as my colleagues have been, my colleagues from and from , that we support the actions of our government in terms of training and professionalization of the military in Ukraine because, really, it did not have much of a military.
We especially want to emphasize the notion of democratic development. Let us keep in mind the spirit of these young interns who come to Canada and help in the building and fostering of a democratic society. That is really what is going to bring long-term stability in Ukraine, having a free and open media, an active and accountable government, and a reputable judiciary. Clearly, they need economic aid.
I have asked several questions this evening, as have my colleagues, about sanctions and the need to really target those sanctions to put the pressure on Putin's key friends and allies and to keep squeezing the Russian economy. I think that is going to continue to be very important.
Let us not forget diplomacy. I know we all want to be immediate and take as much action as we can, but ultimately, we are going to have to find a solution here, so let us not forget about that.
I know my time is up and I want to end with a quote from the Ukrainian minister of finance. She said:
International support can only be effective if the Ukrainian government is also effective and diligent in its efforts to reform the country, fight corruption, improve transparency and accountability, improve the rule of law and create the conditions for the return of economic growth and prosperity.
Surely, ultimately, that is what we all need to be working for.
:
Mr. Chair, I am thankful for the opportunity to participate in this debate, which highlights the role that Canada is playing in supporting the Ukrainian people in their time of crisis.
Since the beginning of the crisis in Ukraine, our Conservative government has been at the forefront of the international community's efforts to implement democratic and economic reforms, and to restore peace and stability in the face of unprovoked Russian aggression. That aggression and Russia's flagrant violation of Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial integrity have led to the deaths of thousands of innocent civilians and the displacement of many more thousands of Ukrainians within their own country.
Ukraine continues to face enormous economic and security challenges, and Canada has remained a steadfast and trusted partner in contributing to the defence of Ukraine and the support of the Ukrainian economy.
Our goal is to help Ukrainians achieve a level of peace and prosperity that we in Canada have for so long enjoyed and the challenge is immense.
In its yearly report on Ukraine, the World Bank cited the state of the global economy, exacerbated by the ongoing crisis in eastern Ukraine, as representing the ongoing major threats to the Ukrainian economy. In 2014, the Ukrainian economy real GDP declined by 7.5%. Its currency lost approximately half of its value against the U.S. dollar, and inflation reached 25%. Complicating the situation is the fact that Ukraine must contribute a very significant portion of its government revenues to defend itself against Russian-sponsored rebels.
The bottom line is that Ukraine needs Canada's help.
On September 17, 2014, during President Poroshenko's first official visit to Canada, he and our announced the signing of Canada's first $200 million low-interest loan to support Ukraine's economic and financial recovery. This past March, our government committed to a second $200 million loan to help stabilize Ukraine's economy and address pressing social needs. These loans, along with financial support from the International Monetary Fund and other key partners, will be crucial in helping Ukraine to achieve financial stability and a return to economic growth.
Since January 2014 Canada has announced more than $575 million in economic and development assistance to Ukraine. It has also provided significant non-lethal support and, more recently, it has agreed to join a mission to train the Ukrainian armed forces.
As Ukraine works to implement its recently signed association agreement with the European Union, we expect that it will also adopt best practices, business norms, and transparency standards that will enhance Ukraine's reputation as a destination for foreign investment and as a preferred trade partner to do business with.
We want to commend President Poroshenko and his government for their commitment to implement significant structural and economic reforms within Ukraine. As president, he has begun to set in place an ambitious timetable to build a more open and transparent market-based economy whose success will be driven by engaging with trading partners like the European Union, Canada and the United States. Canada strongly welcomes these reforms and our government is committed to taking all reasonable steps to support those reforms.
In fact, Canada is already playing a role in those reforms. Ukraine's economic advisory council, which was established by President Poroshenko, is actually headed by a Canadian, Mr. Basil Kalymon of the Richard Ivey School of Business at Western University.
Over the past year, I have had the distinct pleasure of leading two trade and development missions to Kiev, most recently in January. The purpose of these visits was fourfold. First, it underlined that Canada will not abandon Ukraine in its time of need. Second, I was able to meet with a number of my ministerial counterparts to discuss opportunities for Canada to partner to rebuild Ukraine's economy. Third, I was joined by a group of Canadian business people of Ukrainian heritage who were committed to acting as catalysts in supporting and affecting economic reform and transformation in Ukraine. Fourth, I was able to announce an additional $42 million of development assistance. This support would assist Ukrainian dairy and grain farmers to improve their production, quality of their product, storage, and marketing of their product. The funding would also provide technical assistance on anti-corruption, transparency and governance reforms.
Canada has also been providing technical assistance to Ukraine to improve its energy security. This assistance has helped Ukraine develop an energy contingency plan and identify areas where Ukraine can improve its oil and gas regulatory framework which, of course, in turn, would improve the competitiveness and clarity of this sector. A more transparent regulatory and business environment in the energy sector is expected to lead to new opportunities to support Ukranian prosperity, opportunities which Canadian companies would undoubtedly benefit from.
During my two recent visits to Ukraine, I had the opportunity to meet with a number of their ministers. I met with the minister of education. I spoke with the minister of agrarian policy and food. We spoke about energy and coal with the minister responsible for those areas. I interacted with my counterpart, the minister of economic development and trade. I had a chance to have a robust meeting with the new minister of finance for Ukraine. I can tell members that I returned to Canada with the clear confidence that their ministerial team has a sincere commitment to completing the economic and structural reforms required to re-energize Ukraine's economy
Indeed, I was pleased that President Poroshenko has already established a business ombudsman and a national anti-corruption bureau.
Our government is grateful for the work that private sector organizations, such as the Ukrainian Canadian Congress, do in supporting Ukraine in its time of need.
I want to recognize the Canada-Ukraine Chamber of Commerce, which is playing a key role in expanding the business-to-business commercial relationship. Canadian companies such as Black Iron, Iskander Energy, Serinus Energy and Shelton Petroleum are among the many which are anxious to re-engage in the Ukrainian economy.
While our trade relationship is presently quite modest, we know that there is tremendous potential for growth. It is companies such as the ones I just mentioned which will contribute to that growth.
Recognizing this, Ukrainian trade minister Aivaras Abromavicius and I announced this past January that we have restarted free trade negotiations between our two countries. This announcement builds on the commitment made by our countries' two leaders during President Poroshenko's historic visit to Canada last year.
This trade agreement would create new market access opportunities and predictable conditions for businesses, further strengthening our bilateral partnership.
A free trade agreement with Ukraine would also help address many of the non-tariff barriers which presently act as a hindrance to Canadian companies wishing to do business in Ukraine.
I am very pleased that Ukraine was named a priority market under Canada's global markets action plan. That plan, which we refer to as GMAP, is our government's over-arching strategy for creating jobs and economic growth through trade and investment.
Ukraine is a promising market for Canadian exporters in sectors such as agrifood, especially pork, aerospace, and seafood.
Additionally, there are growing opportunities for Canadian companies in the mining, information technologies, renewable energy, and oil and gas sectors.
Canadians understand that the Ukrainian people face enormous economic and security challenges. Our government has assured Ukraine that Canada will remain a steadfast ally, partner, and trusted friend, as the Ukrainian people successfully meet those challenges.
One thing I can assure members of is that Canada will never abandon Ukraine. As our Prime Minister has said:
Whatever difficulties may lie ahead, whatever actions are taken by those who threaten Ukraine's freedom, Ukraine will never be alone because Ukraine can count on Canada.
:
Mr. Chair, before I begin, I would like to say that I will be sharing my time with my hon. colleague from .
The debate we are having in the House tonight is important, and I am glad that so many MPs from all parties want to participate. The situation in Ukraine is deeply worrisome, and everyone has an opinion on it, including those of us here in the House and all Canadians.
Russia's illegitimate military intervention in Crimea and the ensuing violence, which is still ongoing, shocked the international community. According to the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, more than 6,000 people have been killed in eastern Ukraine and over 15,000 more have been injured. People in the region are having a harder and harder time getting water and electricity, and the fighting has been going on intermittently despite ceasefires between the two parties.
My NDP colleagues and I supported and continue to support Canada's efforts to help the Ukrainian people, including our involvement in NATO'S Operation Reassurance. We stand with the Ukrainian people and we will continue to do so. We have a duty to help them. In addition to the non-lethal military support already provided by Canada, we can assist Ukraine in other ways, such as contributing to the country's democratic development or its economic stability.
I do not have much time today, but my colleagues from and , in particular, have outlined various measures that Canada could take to help the Ukrainian people.
I would like to come back to the announcement that was made a few weeks ago by the . He announced the deployment of 200 Canadian military members to train the Ukrainian armed forces until March 2017. We know that there are some issues with the Ukrainian military at present. It can and must play a key role in stabilizing the region. Unfortunately, it continues to have difficulty modernizing and becoming more professional. Canada can certainly help train Ukrainian troops. Quite honestly, the intentions behind the deployment that was recently announced are commendable.
However, many questions still remain about exactly what our Canadians troops will be doing on the ground. There was a press conference to announce the whole thing, and tonight we are having a take note debate. However, we are getting very few additional details on the real mandate that Canadians troops will have on the ground in Ukraine.
Canadians and parliamentarians alike deserve more information on the details of the mission. This is a democracy, and transparency is important. There should be a debate in House.
My riding, Portneuf—Jacques-Cartier, is home to CFB Valcartier. The soldiers who are part of 5 Canadian Mechanized Brigade Group are currently taking part in the exercise MAPLE RESOLVE. They will be in a period of high operational readiness as of July 1. Being in a state of high operational readiness means that the soldiers who are currently at Valcartier could be deployed to Ukraine in the coming months, once the group from Petawawa completes its deployment.
With that in mind, it is crucial that the soldiers in my riding and their families be kept informed of the government's intentions and of the real mandate that our troops will be assigned.
In addition to the take note debate we are having today, we need to have a formal debate and a vote in the House. For now, the government has made a unilateral decision without consulting parliamentarians from all the parties. That is unfortunate. Everyone in the House agrees that we must help Ukraine. Canada has a role to play and we can certainly contribute to democratizing the country, stabilizing its economy, and training its troops. However, we should at least debate this in the House. It is part of our responsibility as parliamentarians. Unfortunately, that was overlooked yet again. Although I appreciate the debate we are having this evening, we have to do more. We are a democracy. It is important for the government to give us the opportunity to hold a formal debate on the issue and formally vote on it in the House.
:
Mr. Chair, I find it rather peculiar in this debate that the is now interjecting and asking why the NDP is not simply focusing its discussion on military aid, yet his colleagues, including the , stood and gave a lengthy speech about the need for Canada's support in trade with Ukraine. There has been discussion about sanctions.
The entire western world understands that in the situation Ukraine faces, it is important that we use every measure at our disposal to help Ukraine to move forward, to fight back against the aggression that it faces from its neighbour Russia, and to fight against the perils in its economy right now. Its democracy has flailed under previous administrations. There are so many pressures that Ukraine faces, and I understand that since this debate began, we have actually had a very convivial dialogue about this.
I have a very strong Ukrainian Canadian constituency in Alberta with which I commune. First and foremost, I thank the Ukrainian Canadian diaspora. The Ukrainian Canadian community in my riding has stepped forward and raised tens of thousands of dollars in support of Ukrainians, after the turmoil, deaths and injuries in the Maidan, to support medical aid and the building of democracy.
I want to tip to my hat to the Ukrainian Canadian Congress for its continued relentless efforts to seek the support of Canadians and the Canadian government to build the nation. I also want to thank the Ukrainian Canadian Congress for the establishment of the Canada Ukraine Foundation, through which all of us can contribute to the building of Ukraine.
I want to commend the Canadian government, not simply for stepping forward and providing military training aid. The was in Kiev, though I have not heard the mention that or thank him. He travelled to Kiev and promised additional aid. This additional aid is exactly in the direction that one of my colleagues mentioned tonight, which is building civil society and its ability to hold its government accountable. That is very important. I am also delighted to hear that the FCM will help to deliver that. It has a lot of experience working with civil society.
Many of us have spoken tonight about the clear strategy on sanctioning. I am grateful that the government has been imposing sanctions. Clearly, there are some important people who have been left out, and we are simply asking questions about why those people, in particula, are being left out.
Obviously, we can play a major, ongoing role in diplomacy. We have a long history of diplomacy. Something that was brought to my attention tonight was very interesting. The Elders, which was established by Nelson Mandela in 2007, is travelling to Russia to meet with Putin to try to get him to move more toward peace. This includes Kofi Annan, Lakhdar Brahimi, the former foreign minister of Algeria, Jimmy Carter, Gro Harlem Brundtland, and Ernesto Zedillo, the former president of Mexico. Many nations around the world are stepping up to the plate and concentrating efforts to support Ukraine.
One area that I have not heard the government mention, and that actually came forward in the natural resources committee in a full day review, is how we help Ukraine as it is suffering with its problems with energy? Some of the conditions imposed by the IMF are telling it that it has to stop the subsidies on energy. I have been conversing, through one of my former interns, with the officials in Ukraine who are looking for expertise on energy efficiency. That is an area where Canada has a lot of expertise, and I hope the government will move forward, turn to our experts and send them over.
The million dollar question is what happens when the troops move toward Kharkiv or Mariupol? Let us hope that it does not happen. Let us hope that all of the efforts on the front by many nations supporting Ukraine will prevent that from happening.
:
Mr. Chair, I am splitting my time with the member for .
I am thankful for the opportunity to participate in this debate. I have heard many people talk tonight about helping Ukraine. I am pleased to inform the House that Canada is doing a great deal to help Ukraine from a humanitarian situation, from a development perspective, and also with what we are doing to help strengthen its military. I want to focus my remarks today on Canada's development assistance program and its role in responding to Ukraine's democratic and economic crisis.
Last year's revolution was about the desire of Ukrainians to live in a prosperous, democratic, independent European country. Given the current conflict in eastern Ukraine and the country's general economic and democratic fragility, there is quite obviously still a very long way to go. Progress is coming and this is thanks in large part to a new generation of young reformers in government and because of a re-energized civil society that continues to work in the best interests of the Ukrainian people.
Canada's own contributions in Ukraine are helping too. As our has announced, Canada has expedited and prioritized new bilateral development assistance programming to support Ukraine, more than doubling the development assistance budget over traditional levels.
Since January 2014, Canada has committed more than $578 million in funding to assist Ukraine. Of this, $139 million is for increased bilateral development assistance, or more specifically, to advance democracy and the rule of law, and to stimulate sustainable economic growth. Since January 2014, Canada has announced over $43 million for projects to advance democracy and the rule of law.
Through trusted partners, we have sent observers to ensure free and fair elections. Canadian technical assistance improves elections regulations, trains elections officials, ensures safety at voting stations, and raises voter rights awareness. There were two national elections in Ukraine last year and Canada played a leadership role in coordinating international assistance and election monitoring. This year, our partners will continue to work for longer term change in Ukraine's democratic culture. They will do this by training political parties to better respond to citizens' issues and by developing mechanisms for public engagement. As Ukraine begins to decentralize, next October's local elections will be another important step forward in the country's democratic transition.
Canadian contributions in Ukraine also include supporting efforts for an independent free media and a strong civil society. Free access to information and ideas lets citizens form educated opinions based on facts, allowing for constructive and effective participation in the democratic decision-making process. Freedom of expression, information and media are therefore as important for individual dignity as they are for accountability and democracy. Canada is pleased to support development projects that improve these basic rights in Ukraine.
In addition, Canada supports Ukrainian cities and regional administrations in economic planning and active and effective citizen engagement. As resources and authority continue to be decentralized, local governments are facing greater demands. Given Canada's strong municipal management expertise, we have spent the past several years sharing our knowledge with Ukrainian cities. The country's 2015 budget has increased funding for local governments, and a constitutional reform to entrench decentralization is planned. We will continue to draw on Canadian and regional experiences, including Polish expertise, to assist local governments to manage new functions, resources, and to ensure oversight and accountability.
Mr. Chair, I see that you have given me the sign that I have very little time left. I just want to emphasize that Ukraine is a top priority for Canada and it is one of the 25 countries of focus for development assistance. Canada is among the strongest international supporters of Ukraine's efforts to restore economic stability and implement democratic and economic reforms.
We have condemned in the strongest terms Russia's aggressive actions in Ukraine, and we continue to be at the forefront of the international community's response to Russia's aggression. We are monitoring the situation very closely and we will continue to deliver assistance and appropriate aid.
:
Mr. Chair, I am honoured to take part in this very important debate in support of Ukraine tonight.
I would like to begin by praising the Ukrainian Canadian diaspora for their support and commitment to Ukraine. That is all 1.2 million Canadians of Ukrainian heritage and the organizations that organize this community like the Ukrainian Canadian Congress, League of Ukrainian Canadians, League of Ukrainian Canadian Women, Canada Ukraine Foundation and the Canada-Ukraine Chamber of Commerce and so many others. They have been absolutely incredible and I thank them all so sincerely for their efforts and their leadership.
There is a new medical mission leaving this week on a diaspora-led mission and recently as well Canada has sent 1,100 tactical medical units and 238 sets of state-of-the-art night vision goggles to Ukraine's army.
I also praise Canadians in Ukraine like Lenna Koszarny and others who in collaboration with Canada's Ambassador to Ukraine, Roman Waschuk, have ensured that all materiel has been sent, received and delivered accordingly. Well done for them.
Whether it takes months, years or decades, Crimea will return to its rightful place in Ukraine. Canada will never recognize the illegal Russian occupation of any Ukrainian territory.
Mr. Putin must also stop his campaign to undermine all of his neighbours in the Baltic states and in the west with his very dangerous information war waged against all of us and particularly directed at the Russian people themselves as he drifts closer and closer to Russia's totalitarian past. By doing so, Putin perceives enemies and threats where none existed and now continues to threaten global peace and security.
The Russian people have big hearts and big souls. Russians are generous and kind people who are being misdirected by their own leadership. They are being misdirected by Putin and his oligarch facilitators who continue to prosper despite a failing economy while his weapons expansion continues and the Russian people increasingly suffer and go without. His war upon his own people is intended to methodically eliminate the democracy that they very much deserve after the long dark years of communism.
I am very proud of the role Canada is playing to promote peace and stability in Eastern Europe today and to bring stabilization to Ukraine so the Ukrainian people can chose their own path, democratically, in a free and prosperous Ukrainian nation.
Unprecedented in the post-Cold War era, Russia's aggression against Ukraine has highlighted the broader importance of the transatlantic security relationship and that of NATO, in particular. As a founding member of NATO, Canada has a long-standing commitment to promoting security in Central and Eastern Europe. This commitment was evidenced by our swift response to the current crisis. In fact, the Government of Canada was among the first to respond to NATO's call for contributions to the alliance's immediate assurance measures.
As ever, the men and women of the Canadian Armed Forces answered the call and I am proud to have served alongside them during my time in the military.
Early on, Canada deployed soldiers to Poland and Eastern and Central Europe as part of Operation Reassurance. Over the last 12 months, our soldiers have taken part in numerous training exercises aimed at building the capacity of our allies.
An important contribution to NATO's persistent presence in the region, Canada has taken on a leadership role in training exercises designed to develop and enhance interoperability, readiness, joint operations capability and multinational responses to potential crises.
Indeed, since the initial deployment last year, over 500 Canadian Armed Forces members have participated in exercises in Poland, Germany, Lithuania and Latvia and more will continue to. There are presently approximately 220 soldiers stationed in Drawsko Pomorskie and soon there will be approximately 200 Canadian soldiers in Ukraine helping to develop capacity in Ukraine's army. That was recently announced by Canada's and we thank him for that announcement.
Their deployment not only represents a demonstration of our ongoing commitment to NATO, but also of the readiness and professionalism of the Canadian Armed Forces. The leadership role undertaken by Canadian Armed Forces at training exercises during Operation Reassurance is a testament to our determination to increase this interoperability.
Canada is a proud ally and we will work very closely with our allies in NATO and in Ukraine. Canada will always stand shoulder to shoulder with the people of Ukraine.
This and this government and our ministers will make sure of it.
:
Mr. Chair, it is a privilege to stand here today to share some thoughts on what is a very important issue, not only here in Canada but around the world, as the world is very much focused on what is happening in Ukraine.
To make it very clear, we in the Liberal Party recognize the sovereignty of Ukraine. The western world and beyond have seen this horrible situation arise because of one leader from Russia, Putin, who has caused so much damage and destruction in an area of the world where there is an immense amount of pride and a desire to see Ukraine grow. The setback for this great nation is most unfortunate and very hard to describe.
When we look at where we are today and how it evolved, I would suggest that the real heroes are the people of Ukraine who took note of what was taking place, not that long ago, in terms of the European Union and the the trade association that was being rejected by the former president.
We witnessed the people of Ukraine filling the streets, in particular the Maidan, sending a very powerful message not only to the elite and the leadership in Ukraine but to people around the world.
The real heroes are those individuals who put their lives on the line, many of whom lost their lives in that battle. We appreciate the efforts of people from coast to coast to coast here in Canada who in their caring hearts want to see Canada play a role in what is happening in Ukraine. That has been a motivating factor in what we are debating today and in the many other debates we have had, for well over a year, related to Ukraine.
We have had members' statements. We have had not one but two emergency debates, I believe. Many members of Parliament have visited Ukraine. We have had hundreds of people of Ukrainian heritage participate in the presidential election and parliamentary elections. All of this is because Canada truly cares about what is happening in Ukraine.
I indicated what a privilege it was to have President Petro Poroshenko address the House of Common and acknowledge how much he appreciated the friendship and general goodwill from Canada, in particular from people of Ukrainian heritage who have been reaching out and supporting Ukraine in a time of need.
Very briefly, I would just commend the people of Winnipeg for their efforts. We have seen fundraising events. We have seen protests, in very cold temperatures.
Canada has been engaged not only at the political level, but at the grassroots level. It has been the people, whether they are the people of Ukraine or the people of Canada, who have been a driving force to ensure that we take the actions that are so very important to support Ukraine in its time of need.
What can we do? We are talking today about sending 200 Canadian forces personnel for training purposes to Ukraine. The leader of the Liberal Party has stated, virtually from day one, that we support Canadian military personnel going over and playing the role that has been asked of them. Whether it was the hundreds of millions of dollars in aid or other types of support to Ukraine, much like Canadians as a whole, we as a political entity have been very supportive.
We have some incredible individuals within our caucus, including our critic for foreign affairs, the member for , and my colleague from . As it was suggested earlier, the leader of the Liberal Party has allowed me, by going to Ukraine on several occasions, to get a better sense of what is taking place. That has been very beneficial. The caucus discussions we have had have been very thorough. In fact, some might recall that back in February, on behalf of the Liberal Party, I raised the issue during question period of Canada possibly having a military presence and asked what the government was doing in that regard.
We recognize the phenomenal efforts of individuals as well as organizations, none more than the Ukrainian Canadian Congress. It has been fantastic in supporting members of all political parties in the House and providing updates. There are some valid issues that have been raised through the congress. I have attempted to raise them this evening. I very briefly will make reference to two of them on which it would be valuable to hear some dialogue. I recognize it is a very awkward statement for some members to provide comment on, but it is something that needs to be raised.
I raise them in the perspective of our allies and the people who support us. We need to work in sync with our allies and the United States. There are also things that can be done in providing some leadership.
The first issue of banning Russia from the SWIFT banking system is something of great concern. I do not know to what degree the government has raised this issue, so I put that on the table.
Second, earlier today I made reference to the number of deaths. There have been an estimated 7,000 deaths and 19,000 wounded. The issue of weaponry is one that has been brought to our attention. I suspect it has also been brought to the attention of the government.
To what degree has the government had some sort of discussion on those issues with our allies and the United States?
We have talked about trade this evening. That has some merit in the long-term relationship between Canada and Ukraine. After all, President Poroshenko addressed the House and said, in essence, that he would welcome Canada entering into trade with Ukraine. If we think about the European Union, the trade deal and so forth, it would seem to be a natural fit. However, I suspect we have to be very aggressive on that file.
I have appreciated the opportunity to share a few thoughts.
:
Mr. Chair, I will be splitting my time with my colleague, the member of Parliament for .
I am very honoured to have this opportunity to participate in today's important debate on Canada's support for Ukraine. Also, as a member of Parliament for , I have many constituents who have Ukrainian roots. I would like to take this opportunity to thank them for their participation and contribution, and of course, to thank all the organizations already named by other colleagues during this debate.
I was shocked, like many Canadians, by Russia's brutal aggression against Ukraine in February last year, leading to the current unlawful and unacceptable occupation of Crimea. I was shocked, because Russia's actions in Ukraine show a fundamental disregard for the rules of the international system. This hostility is a threat to the people of Ukraine, to our friends and allies in Eastern Europe, and to the world order as we know it.
By annexing Crimea, Russia has violated its obligation toward Ukraine, as stipulated in the 1994 Budapest Memorandum, and by annexing Crimea, Russia has abandoned its responsibility as a world leader, leaving the international community with no choice other than to take action in support of Ukraine and the region.
I am proud to say that Canada, as a strong member of NATO, has been involved from the very beginning. Indeed, a critical part of Canada's contribution to date is the remarkable work of the men and women of the Canadian Armed Forces, and I would like to take some time to highlight the contributions of the the Royal Canadian Air Force through Operation REASSURANCE.
As members may know, a Canadian air task force participated in the NATO Baltic air policing mission from September to December 2014 in Lithuania. The NATO air policing mission aimed to preserve the integrity of NATO European air space and to safeguard NATO nations from air attacks. The assistance was crucial for member nations, such as the Baltic states of Latvia, Estonia, and Lithuania, as they lack the full range of air defence assets in their own militaries. This is increasingly important in the wake of Russia's aggression toward Ukraine.
Canada's contribution to this essential mission included approximately 135 personnel and four CF-18 Hornet fighter jets, along with a mission support element. In this mission, the Canadian air task force worked with NATO allies and responded to intrusions into Baltic air space.
While Canada formally handed over its NATO Baltic air policing mission responsibilities to Poland, the Royal Canadian Air Force continued to actively support operations until early January 2015 to ensure the continuity of operations and to support NATO allies and security partners in the interim transition period. The work of the Canadian Armed Forces in this mission allowed Canada to support NATO operations in the region while showing support for our allies in Eastern Europe.
In addition to the Royal Canadian Air Force's contribution to the NATO Baltic air policing mission, Canadian aviators also conducted interoperability training with NATO allies in Romania from May to August 2014. This training included air defence, air superiority, aerospace testing and evaluation, and tactical support. This air task force included six CF-18 Hornet fighter aircraft and about 200 personnel.
In conclusion, Canadians can be proud of Canada's support for NATO assurance measures to promote security and stability in the region. Thanks to the hard work of the Canadian Armed Forces, Canada is able to make a real and effective difference every time our military personnel deploy.
In collaboration with our allies, we are not only demonstrating alliance solidarity but we are sending a clear message to Russia that attempts to change borders by force must be stopped.
:
Mr. Chair, on August 24, 1991, Ukraine declared to the world that it would no longer be part of the Soviet Union, it would seek its own independent and democratic future.
In the very early years of the country's independence, Ukraine had to make many tough decisions as it established its sovereignty.
[Translation]
Ukraine had to make some difficult decisions in establishing its sovereignty.
[English]
One of the most important choices for the Government of Ukraine was to rid the country of nuclear weapons and to accede to the nuclear non-proliferation treaty. Taken in the spirit of non-proliferation and disarmament, and contributing to global security, this decision was applauded by the world community.
In return, the Government of Ukraine sought guarantees in signing the Budapest memorandum on security assurances on December 5, 1994. This document governed the removal of weapons of mass destruction from Ukrainian territory in exchange for assurances from its partners and co-signatories the United States, the United Kingdom and Russia. The signatories committed to respecting the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine.
They agreed that they would refrain from the threat and use of force. They guaranteed, also, that their weapons would never be used against Ukraine except in self-defence or otherwise in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. They reaffirmed their commitment to seek immediate United Nations Security Council action to provide assistance to Ukraine if it should become a victim of an act of aggression.
Russia, through its reckless and cynical policies, has broken its commitments. Instead of being a guarantor of Ukraine's security, it has become its biggest threat. In March 2014, Russia annexed Crimea illegally. Today it continues to maintain troops in eastern Ukraine and to provide weapons and support to insurgents there. Russia is determined to break up Ukraine.
Russia continues to conduct a relentless media campaign propagating falsehoods about the Ukrainian government and the political and economic reforms the country is trying to achieve.
This aggression is an attempt to undermine efforts by the government and the people of Ukraine to change direction towards democracy, human rights and the rule of law. Russia's complete disregard for basic international norms and its own commitments has necessitated a strong international response to assist Ukraine in defending its sovereignty and territorial integrity.
I am proud to say that Canada has stepped up. In response to a request from the Ukrainian government and in collaboration with international partners, Canada has provided non-lethal military equipment to the Government of Ukraine to address a number of the critical needs of Ukraine's forces. Specifically, these contributions, which include night-vision goggles, medical kits, a mobile field hospital, high-frequency radios and ordnance disposal equipment, enhance the capabilities of the Ukrainian armed forces in their fight to defend their country's sovereignty and territorial integrity.
Canada has also recently announced a significant military contribution to assist Ukraine in building the capacity of its armed forces. These initiatives are part of a whole-of-government effort to make sure we are providing the best possible support to our partners in Ukraine.
To this end, the departments of National Defence and Foreign Affairs, Trade and Development have worked together closely over the past year to deliver timely and effective support to Ukraine's security and defence forces, including through jointly delivered material assistance and direct collaboration on the development of the recently announced military training initiative at every stage.
In addition to training and equipment support, Canada is also working to build capacity and reform Ukraine's security institutions. Canada is contributing to the NATO Ukraine trust funds, with a focus on assisting Ukraine in developing its command, control, communications and computer capabilities.
Canada is also supporting efforts to help reform Ukraine's logistics systems and increase its interoperability with NATO. Military capacity-building programming to Ukraine includes the deployment of a Canadian security expert to the NATO liaison office in Ukraine, as well as military police training.
We do not stand alone in our efforts to support Ukraine's security. Through the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, or OSCE, we are supporting efforts to ensure that the international community is aware of developments on the ground. Canada is a strong supporter of the OSCE's special monitoring mission, an unarmed civilian mission that aims to reduce tensions and foster stability and security.
We have deployed 22 Canadians who are experts in security, human rights, the rule of law and media to the monitoring mission. Canada has a long history of contributing to free and fair elections in Ukraine and the 2014 presidential and parliamentary elections were no exception. Through bilateral and OSCE elections observation missions, Canada sent some 300 Canadian observers to each election, contributing to Ukraine's efforts to elect officials in free, fair and democratic elections.
Unfortunately, Russian policies and actions have a destabilizing impact across the region. For this reason, the Department of Foreign Affairs, Trade and International Development is contributing to the NATO-accredited centres of excellence in the Baltic states to help strengthen the regional framework in areas of cyber defence, energy security and strategic communications.
While Canada has done much to help Ukraine meet its security challenges, the needs of the country are still greater. The Government of Canada will continue to work with our Ukrainian and international partners to further Ukraine's security.
Canada will not rest, nor back away, when the security of Ukraine, a close friend and partner, continues to be threatened by a belligerent neighbour.