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SECU Committee Report

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Systemic Racism in Policing in Canada

1.        Introduction

1.1      Mandate of the Committee

On June 23, 2020, during the 1st session of the 43rd Parliament, the House of Commons Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security (the Committee) adopted the following motion:

That, pursuant to Standing Order 108(2), the committee undertake a study of systemic racism in policing in Canada; and that the Minister of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness as well as the Commissioner of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police [RCMP] be invited to testify on Tuesday, 23 June 2020.[1]

During the 1st session of the 43rd Parliament the Committee held six meetings before the prorogation of Parliament on August 18, 2020. Following the opening of the 2nd session of the 43rd Parliament on October 8, 2020, the Committee adopted the following motion:

That, pursuant to Standing Order 108(2), the committee undertake a study of systemic racism in policing services in Canada, in particular the RCMP, and that the evidence and documentation received by the committee during the First Session of the 43rd Parliament on the subject be taken into consideration by the committee in the current session, that the Committee report its findings to the House and, that pursuant to Standing Order 109, the government table a comprehensive response to the report.[2]

On December 2, 2020, the Hon. Michel Bastarache appeared before the Committee to answer questions about Broken Dreams Broken Lives: The Devastating Effects of Sexual Harassment on Women in the RCMP,[3] the final report on the implementation of the Merlo Davidson Settlement Agreement, which he authored. On December 7, 2020, the Committee adopted the following motion:

That the relevant sections of the Final Report on the Implementation of the Merlo Davidson Settlement Agreement and the testimony of the Honourable Michel Bastarache from December 2, 2020, be taken into consideration for the Committee’s report on systemic racism in policing in Canada.[4]

Over the course of two sessions of Parliament from June 2020 to May 2021, the Committee held 19 meetings on this study, heard testimony from 53 witnesses, and received 21 briefs. The Committee appreciates the participation and expertise of the witnesses who provided testimony and briefs on this important issue.

The Committee recognizes that the elimination of systemic racism and discrimination against Indigenous peoples by police and the justice system should be considered a key and fundamental pre-condition of reconciliation with Indigenous peoples and is in keeping with the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

The Committee hopes that through the adoption of the recommendations contained in this report and other measures, as may be necessary to achieve these goals, systemic racism in policing and our justice system will be eliminated and that individual manifestations of racism and racist behaviour will be treated with severe measures.

This report represents the Committee’s examination of systemic racism in policing in Canada. It is divided into three sections:

  • 1) introduction and overview of the context of this study;
  • 2) issues pertaining to systemic racism in policing in Canada raised by witnesses and corresponding recommendations;
  • 3) conclusion.

1.2      Context

Police services occupy a powerful role in Canadian society as those entrusted with enforcing the law, protecting the community and keeping the peace. Police officers provide increasingly diverse services in Canada, acting as law enforcers, first responders to crises and crime prevention partners within the communities they serve. Concerns about systemic racism within the institution of policing in Canada and calls to address this problem have been raised in Canadian communities and within police services themselves. The Committee heard evidence highlighting a wide variety of issues pertaining to systemic racism in Canadian policing, as well as suggestions for how these challenges can be addressed and overcome.

1.3      Defining and Understanding Systemic Racism

Systemic racism is both a social and legal concept connoting a particular type of racism which occurs within social systems and is reproduced by them. Witness Alain Babineau, a law enforcement consultant, social justice advocate and former member of the RCMP, provided the Committee with a helpful explanation of systemic racism, quoting Senator Murray Sinclair:

Systemic racism is when the system itself is based upon and founded upon racist beliefs and philosophies and thinking and has put in place policies and practices that literally force even the non-racists to act in a racist way.[5]

Indeed, the Committee heard testimony confirming that while many police officers honourably, diligently, and professionally serve their communities, systemic racism nevertheless pervades policing in Canada. Akwasi Owusu‑Bempah, Assistant Professor in the Department of Sociology at the University of Toronto, suggested that structural racism and institutional racism are aspects of systemic racism. He explained that structural racism “describes a system in which policies, institutional practices, cultural representations and other norms work in varied and often reinforcing ways to perpetuate racial inequality.”[6] This form of racism, in other words, is culturally embedded and reproduced in social, economic and political systems.[7] In contrast, Professor Owusu-Bempah described institutional racism as “institutional policies and practices that, intentionally or not, produce outcomes that constantly favour or disadvantage certain groups over others.”[8]

Witnesses also pointed to the reality that systemic racism is not confined to the institution of policing but is found in many aspects of Canadian society. Chief Ghislain Picard, Chief of the Assembly of First Nations Québec-Labrador, expressed that systemic racism impacts the relationship between Indigenous peoples and the Canadian legal system, highlighting that systemic discrimination is an aspect of the experience of colonialism,[9] a viewpoint emphasized by many witnesses who described the role of police in enforcing the residential school system, child apprehensions during the Sixties Scoop, the slaughter of Inuit sled dogs, and other instances of colonialism. As Vice-Chief Terry Teegee, Regional Chief of the British Columbia Assembly of First Nations explained to the Committee, in Dakelh, the Carrier language, the RCMP are called “nilchuk-un”, meaning “those who take us away.”[10]

Myrna Lashley, Assistant Professor at McGill University’s Department of Psychiatry, expressed that systemic racism has deep historical roots embedded in the history of colonialism. She explained:

This type of racism and discrimination is based on the premise of white supremacy, which is manifested in practices and policies that award unearned privileges to white people based on their pigmentation, while automatically denying those same privileges to Black people, Indigenous people and people of colour, commonly referred to as BIPOC.[11]

Some witnesses highlighted that systemic racism is a matter of constitutional and human rights.[12] From a legal standpoint, when Canadian police services enforce the law or provide services to the public, they are subject to constitutional and human rights law. Section 15 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms guarantees “[e]very individual is equal before and under the law and has the right to the equal protection and equal benefit of the law without discrimination”,[13] including discrimination on the basis of race. Similarly, provincial human rights legislation and the Canadian Human Rights Act prohibit race-based discrimination in the provision of services. Consequently, when police services in Canada enforce the law and provide services to the public, human rights law and the constitution require these services to be provided free of discrimination on the basis of race.[14]

Understanding the impacts of systemic racism requires recognizing its differential impacts on various groups of people and the way racism intersects with other forms of discrimination. For example, several witnesses pointed to the unique impacts of systemic racism on Indigenous women, which are not the same as those experienced by Indigenous men, in part because Indigenous women also experience sexism.

Many witnesses pointed out that systemic racism is a problem that requires concerted effort on the part of all Canadians to remedy. Fabrice Vil described systemic racism as a “multifactorial crisis,” noting that “each and every one of us is responsible.”[15] Witnesses also emphasized that police services must work with the communities they serve to address and bring an end to systemic racism. Bryan Larkin, Chief of Police for the Waterloo Regional Police Service affirmed that: “tackling racism requires a concerted response from the entire community, including your police services.”[16]

2.        Issues and Recommendations

2.1      Accountability, Oversight and Transparency of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police

The importance of ensuring accountability, effective oversight and transparency of Canadian police services when seeking to remedy issues associated with systemic racism was a significant theme within the testimony heard by the Committee. It was expressed that police services need to be accountable to all members of the communities they serve.[17]

The Committee heard testimony raising concerns about the resources, powers and structure of the Civilian Review and Complaints Commission for the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (CRCC). Witness testimony pointed to a lack of internal accountability within the RCMP for systemic racism, discrimination and related police misconduct, both in relation to services provided to the public and as problems arising within the RCMP workforce between members.

2.1.1   Reforming Civilian Oversight for the Royal Canadian Mounted Police

The CRCC is an independent civilian complaints oversight body created by Parliament, which receives complaints from the public about the conduct of RCMP members and provides oversight of RCMP investigations into these complaints. The CRCC is also empowered to conduct systemic reviews and public interest investigations concerning RCMP conduct. In her testimony before the Committee, Michelaine Lahaie, Chairperson of the CRCC, highlighted several ongoing challenges the CRCC faces when accomplishing its mandate.

One of the challenges facing the CRCC highlighted in Chairperson Lahaie’s testimony and brief to the Committee was the lack of legally enforceable timelines for response from the RCMP Commissioner to CRCC reports. When the CRCC authors a report following a review of a complaint or a hearing, an interim report is provided to the Commissioner of the RCMP setting out the CRCC’s findings and recommendations. The Commissioner of the RCMP is then legally required to provide the Chairperson of the CRCC and the Minister of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness a written response indicating any further actions that have been taken or will be taken concerning the complaint. If the Commissioner decides not to act on any of the findings in the report they must explain their reasons for doing so.[18] Chairperson Lahaie expressed serious concern with the lack of mandated timelines for responses from the RCMP commissioner to CRCC reports. She noted that responses to interim reports took on average 17 months, and that in one case the commission has been waiting for over three years for a response.[19] She indicated that while a memorandum of understanding has been entered into between the CRCC and the Commissioner to address timelines, legally codifying these response time requirements would assist in ensuring accountability.[20]

A second concern raised by Chairperson Lahaie was the lack of accountability of the RCMP when working to implement the recommendations of the CRCC. She suggested that the Committee should consider creating an annual reporting requirement for the RCMP Commissioner to explain the status of implementation of the CRCC’s recommendations.[21] She contended that such a mechanism would increase the transparency of the RCMP’s response to the review process and provide a higher standard of accountability.

Other witnesses noted that the CRCC appears to have insufficient power to effect change. Lawyer Julian Falconer suggested that the CRCC can at present only provide recommendations and has no power to sanction or require changes to be made within the RCMP, so it cannot provide effective oversight.[22] Kent Roach, Professor at the University of Toronto’s Faculty of Law, noted that the CRCC is “underfunded and underpowered,”[23] and that the Royal Canadian Mounted Police Act, which governs the CRCC and RCMP, “needs a fundamental rethink”[24] if the current system is to be improved. Vice‑Chief Terry Teegee, Regional Chief of the British Columbia Assembly of First Nations, suggested that the Royal Canadian Mounted Police Act requires reform to provide more power to the CRCC.[25] Allen Benson, Chief Executive Officer of Native Counselling Services of Alberta, suggested creating clear consequences for police misconduct, including acts of excessive use of force, racism, and abuses of power, and suggested the CRCC needs the power to impose sanctions or consequences.[26]

Another issue raised by several witnesses was a persistent lack of sufficient funding and resources for the CRCC to fulfil the important functions it serves.[27] In a brief submitted to the Committee by the CRCC, concerns were expressed that the number of citizen complaints regarding RCMP conduct have been increasing over the past years, leading to a requirement that more resources be devoted to the review of citizen complaints.[28] The CRCC is seriously underfunded and its lack of resources is a significant barrier preventing it from engaging in reviews of systemic problems or conducting public interest investigations. The Committee heard that the CRCC must be adequately resourced to allow it to undertake this important work.[29]

The Committee also heard that the current CRCC complaints system is overly complex, difficult to understand and navigate, and consequently inaccessible for those who might otherwise file complaints.[30] These concerns were echoed by Chairperson Lahaie, herself, who pointed out that the Commission interviewed members of many Indigenous communities about the lack of use of the CRCC’s complaints system and learned that many were unaware of the system or lacked trust in it. She noted that the process can be “excessively bureaucratic and difficult to navigate.”[31] Indeed, concerns about lack of trust in police complaints systems were also raised by Jocelyn Formsma, Executive Director of the National Association of Friendship Centres, who noted these structures are “largely inaccessible”[32] and explained that:

[P]eople who are experiencing, say, police violence or state-enforced violence are very vulnerable people, and many times they have been very dehumanized. There are many trust factors that affect whether they feel that the process they're engaging with will have the result they desire.[33]

Chairperson Lahaie explained that the CRCC has undertaken some steps to make the CRCC’s process more accessible to the public, such as ensuring complaint forms are translated into multiple languages, including Inuktitut,[34] simplifying the complaint sheet and making staff members available to guide complainants through the process by phone.[35] However, she acknowledged “the commission still needs to do more to ensure greater accessibility, trust and transparency in the complaints process.”[36] She suggested consultation with Indigenous and racialized communities to “identify and break down systemic barriers”[37] as an important next step.

The Committee heard that independent complaints review and oversight bodies must themselves be diverse and representative of the communities they serve. Witnesses expressed that it is crucial that oversight and complaint structures include members of Indigenous and racialized communities as decision-makers and complaints investigators.[38] It was suggested that members of Indigenous communities and Northern communities should be appointed to the CRCC.[39] The Committee heard that, at present, the CRCC has an internal diversity and equity committee and a fairly diverse workforce, but lacks sufficient Indigenous representation.[40] Chairperson Lahaie suggested the CRCC could be improved by appointing Indigenous and racialized members.[41]

2.1.2   Discipline and Internal Accountability Within the Royal Canadian Mounted Police

The Committee heard from several witnesses that internal accountability and discipline within the RCMP and other police services is important to maintain public trust in policing. Accountability is necessary both in terms of how members of the RCMP provide services to the public, but also how they interact with fellow officers.

With respect to service provision to the public, members of the RCMP have legally binding responsibilities as members of the police service and must abide by a code of conduct.[42] When RCMP members engage in misconduct they may be subject to disciplinary processes as internal accountability mechanisms within the police service. Viviane Michel, President of Québec Native Women Inc., suggested that accountability through disciplinary measures could be effective in preventing some forms of systemic racism and misconduct such as police brutality and racial profiling.[43] However, concerns were raised about the transparency of the disciplinary process for the RCMP. Christian Leuprecht, Professor at the Royal Military College of Canada’s Department of Political Science, suggested that the RCMP should be required to make public all disciplinary decisions.[44] As Kanika Samuels-Wortley, Assistant Professor at Carleton University pointed out, transparency of disciplinary processes for police officers who engage in misconduct is required to assure members of the community that concerns raised about police conduct are being addressed.[45]

The Committee heard some testimony about the adoption of body worn cameras as a tool to improve police accountability. Some witnesses supported the adoption of this technology to provide transparency in police interactions with the public. For example, Vice‑Chief Teegee recommended increasing the use of body worn cameras in First Nations communities, along with access to the video records.[46] The testimony of Professor Kanika Samuels-Wortley, Robyn Maynard and Fabrice Vil included concerns that outcomes from research on their use is mixed at best with some studies supporting their use and others against it.[47]

With respect to accountability for systemic racism and discrimination among RCMP officers, many witnesses provided testimony suggesting there is a lack of internal accountability. In a written submission to the Committee, Professor Leuprecht explained that there has been a lack of accountability within management. He noted that the Commissioner of the RCMP has the option of whether or not to seek the advice of the civilian Management Advisory Board for the RCMP, which is intended to provide expert advice on the management and administration of the RCMP, and that where advice is sought the Commissioner may or may not act on it.[48] He expressed that there is “no transparency“[49] in this process. Furthermore, he expressed that there needs to be accountability for middle management in the RCMP who are made aware of claims of harassment and discrimination and fail to act to hold those who report to them accountable.[50]

Alain Babineau suggested that internal mechanisms within the RCMP to address systemic discrimination and systemic racism have been “wholly inefficient,”[51] including both harassment complaints and grievance processes. Alain Babineau and the Hon. Michel Bastarache suggested that the RCMP does not appear to be capable of addressing systemic discrimination within the organization itself,[52] suggesting change must be imposed and overseen externally.

Therefore, the Committee recommends:

Recommendation 1

That the Government of Canada clarify and strengthen the mandate, independence and efficacy of the Civilian Review and Complaints Commission for the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (CRCC) by:

  • substantially increasing its annual funding to ensure sufficient resources for both complaint reviews and systemic reviews;
  • amending the Royal Canadian Mounted Police Act to:
    • empower the CRCC to, when conducting investigations of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) that raise a reasonable belief that the matter involves criminal conduct, refer cases to the appropriate body responsible for criminal investigations of police conduct or recommend to the relevant authorities that criminal charges be laid;
    • create statutory timelines for responses by the RCMP Commissioner to CRCC reports, codifying the schedule established in Appendix A of the Memorandum of Understanding between the CRCC and the RCMP;
    • require the Commissioner of the RCMP to report annually to the Minister of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness describing steps taken to implement CRCC recommendations and require this report to be tabled in Parliament; and
    • require the CRCC to publish its findings and recommendations or a summary thereof in respect of all complaints in a manner that protects the identity of the complainant.

Recommendation 2

That the Government of Canada increase the accessibility and transparency of the Civilian Review and Complaints Commission for the Royal Canadian Mounted Police review process by:

  • reforming the process for initiating a complaint with the CRCC to make it easier to navigate;
  • ensuring the independent review process is explained in a detailed and accessible format, including information about when the CRCC has completed its interim report and when the RCMP’s review of the report began and was completed;
  • making sure the progression of a review and the reports involved in it are transparent and publicly available with few exceptions; and
  • publicly specifying the conditions for all exceptions to public accessibility and transparency.

Recommendation 3

That the Government of Canada ensure the Civilian Review and Complaints Commission for the Royal Canadian Mounted Police review process allows for meaningful and engaged Indigenous participation and holds the RCMP accountable for wrongful, negligent, reckless, or discriminatory behaviour towards Indigenous people by requiring the CRCC to:

  • consult with local Indigenous groups where complaints or systemic reviews involve Indigenous complainants;
  • include Indigenous investigators and decision makers in the CRCC; and
  • ensure Indigenous investigators are involved where the complaint involves Indigenous people.

Recommendation 4

That the Government of Canada appoint Indigenous, Black and other racialized people, and residents of Northern communities to the Civilian Review and Complaints Commission for the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, and to investigations and leadership positions within that organization.

Recommendation 5

That the Government of Canada mandate that the Royal Canadian Mounted Police implement effective ongoing training and disciplinary policies for RCMP officers in order to prevent excess use of force, systemic racism and racial profiling, and require the RCMP to publish and publicly disclose all disciplinary decisions.

Recommendation 6

That the Government of Canada in collaboration with the Royal Canadian Mounted Police introduce requirements for management at all levels to report and act on internal harassment complaints, with clear and appropriate consequences for failing to do so, and to provide appropriate supports, including mental health supports, for officers who come forward with a complaint.

Recommendation 7

That the Royal Canadian Mounted Police provide to Parliament, annually for three years, a report on the progress of the implementation of the recommendations in this report.

2.2      Structure and Governance of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and Other Police Services

2.2.1   Structural and Cultural Modernization of Canadian Police Services

When explaining how to address systemic racism in Canadian police services, several witnesses suggested that examining the structure and governance of police services is crucial. The Committee heard from police chief witnesses who described the structural and systemic reforms they are working to implement within their police services. They also described the principles animating their attempts to combat systemic racism through internal reforms. For example, Chief Nishan Duraiappah of the Peel Regional Police expressed:

I, along with a consortium of the willing, am making bold and meaningful changes. We understand that the willingness to step out and implement changes to drive out systemic racism, without fear of failure, is required and expected. Therefore, in Peel Regional Police I have committed to a shift from traditional law enforcement to a pro‑public health model rooted in human rights.
I'm adopting and implementing the following principles under a systemic change framework. I've initiated a systems review of all our directives and policies under a diversity, equity and inclusion lens. I'm developing leadership, both formal and informal, with police members, so they are ready to challenge racism in its various forms, critically and courageously, wherever they come across it.[53]

Additionally, Chief Dale McFee of the Edmonton Police Service, expressed that as police services work to address systemic racism their operational or organizational structures need to be considered from a new perspective and partnerships with community members, service providers and academia are needed to ensure changes to policies and procedures are evidence-based.[54]

However, Chief Duraiappah acknowledged that not all police services are engaged in reform efforts.[55] Witnesses including Kent Roach, Christian Leuprecht and Julian Falconer informed the Committee that some police services in Canada, including the RCMP, are paramilitary in nature[56] and civilian oversight may be necessary to effect the needed reforms.[57] Indeed, Professor Leuprecht, expressed the opinion that:

[L]eadership alone cannot and will not fix the issue. We have over 40 years of research in political sociology to show that bureaucracies reproduce themselves; in the process, they also reproduce their institutional culture and problems.[58]

2.2.2   Structure and Governance of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police: Civilianization and Professionalization

The Committee heard that the RCMP has a senior management and leadership model that has remained unchanged for decades.[59] Several witnesses suggested that the RCMP needs to be reformed to include civilian leadership and influence.[60] For example, Professor Leuprecht expressed that the RCMP senior leadership and management should be civilianized, leaving uniformed members to run police operations but not the entire organization.[61] He pointed out that fields like policy, communications, human resources, and finance are specialized areas in which uniformed police officers have no comparative advantage beyond civilians,[62] and that civilianization has an added benefit of improving diversity and representativeness of law enforcement organizations because members of some racialized or Indigenous communities are reticent to join police services as sworn members.[63] He also suggested that in restructuring the RCMP, it should be given separate employer status from the government.[64]

Additionally, many witnesses pointed to a need to transform the RCMP’s structure away from a paramilitary model and towards a professional model. For example, Professor Leuprecht suggested that the RCMP needs “a completely different training regime”[65] and “a separate career and professional development framework and path for officers.”[66] Professor Roach advocated for an abandonment of the paramilitary model of policing and a move towards “an educated, professional model.”[67] Specific concerns were raised about the structure of RCMP training, wherein all recruits are required to go through basic training at Depot Division, the RCMP’s training academy in Regina, Saskatchewan. The Committee heard that Depot Division also provides training to members of other police services, including basic training for some Indigenous police services, followed by training in the community.[68] Professor Roach suggested that training at Depot Division can make the RCMP less “flexible”[69] and specialized in the sense of being adaptable to the wide variety of policing services performed in the diverse communities served.[70] Similarly, Professor Leuprecht expressed that:

Depot […] socializes a certain type of command and control mindset. Starting with a complete overhaul of the curriculum and the training regime at Depot would, I think, also effect change.[71]

The Hon. Michel Bastarache has described the training provided at Depot Division as “para-military training”[72] and explained that claimants he interviewed for the Merlo-Davidson class action lawsuit against the RCMP for sexual harassment and gender or sexual orientation based workplace discrimination described sexual abuse, harassment, and discrimination at Depot Division during basic training.[73] Claimants also suggested the training provided at Depot Division was comparably worse than other police training academies in Canada, because the program was structured to break a person down in order to rebuild them, rather than to build them up to become the best police officer they can be.[74]

Suggestions were also put forward by witnesses to address the problems with the current RCMP training structure. Notably, in a brief submitted to the Committee, the Assembly of First Nations recommended reforming RCMP training away from “a paramilitary force trained in isolation”[75] and towards the provision of training for RCMP officers within the communities they will serve. Witnesses also suggested the creation of a national policing college to ensure that the RCMP and other police services receive specialized, professional and evidence-based training. For example, Senator Vernon White, a former Assistant Commissioner of the RCMP, described the College of Policing model employed in the United Kingdom, which is a professional body the purpose of which is to “provide those working in policing with the skills and knowledge necessary to prevent crime, protect the public and secure the public trust.”[76] He noted that the College of Policing is engaged in knowledge production through research and acquiring evidence of what works, providing education to support professional development and setting standards for police services and members based on the best available evidence.[77]

In addition to civilianization and concerns with training, the Committee also heard from witnesses who felt the RCMP does not appropriately respond to the needs of the communities they serve through contract policing. For example, Professor Samuels-Wortley explained that police services must be attuned to the needs of each community because particular communities will have their own unique issues and concerns that must be dealt with. Consequently, the RCMP may not have the capacity to police areas where they are not familiar with community concerns.[78] Professor Roach suggested that the RCMP should not rely on a top-down governance model when engaged in contract policing, but suggested that local governance structures are necessary to provide local control over policing services.[79]

2.2.3   Supporting the Professionalization and Specialization of Indigenous Police Services

The federal government, through its role in the First Nations Policing Program, plays a part in ensuring Indigenous police services have the support and resources necessary to operate. The Committee heard that Indigenous police services have unique policing models tailored to the particular communities they are a part of and provide services to.[80] However, Chief Dwayne Zacharie, President of the First Nations Chiefs of Police Association, expressed to the Committee that he sometimes feels that Indigenous police officers are “treated as second-class citizens in the policing realm”[81] because there is a lack of training opportunities available to Indigenous police services, including a lack of advanced training.

Additionally, the Committee heard that some Indigenous communities are developing new and innovative policing structures to help bridge the gap between community members and police services. For example, Chief Doris Bill of the Kwanlin Dün First Nation, described the “Community Safety Officers” Program that her community has developed.[82] The Community Safety Officers Program is an innovative program designed to strengthen relationships between the community and the RCMP who provide policing services to them.[83] It involves Indigenous people and community members trained as community safety officers who work to provide early detection, de‑escalation and culturally responsive services.[84] The program does not replace traditional police services, but assists in conflict resolution, freeing up police officers to do other work. Chief Bill explained that the community safety officers are known and trusted by the community:

They have roots and ties to these people. Our people know that they can go to them and trust them. They work alongside the RCMP officers, and they act as a liaison between the officers and the communities they serve.[85]

She noted that the program has produced positive results, saving time and money, and that “calls to services have been reduced significantly since the program started.”[86] It has provided an alternative for the community to address issues on their own, without always relying on the RCMP.[87]

However, Chief Bill also noted that there have been funding challenges. The program is funded by the federal government, Yukon government, and the First Nation’s own resources, but because it is a community-based initiative rather than a law enforcement organization it doesn’t neatly fit within particular funding programs.[88]

In sum, the Committee heard evidence suggesting the structure and governance of the RCMP should be modernized, civilianized and professionalized and evidence suggesting additional support should be provided for the professionalization and specialization of Indigenous police services.

Therefore, the Committee recommends:

Recommendation 8

That the Royal Canadian Mounted Police be transitioned away from a para-military force into a police service model with civilian oversight through a new national oversight board with a legislated mandate to make this transition and the changes required to ensure that policies, practices, procedures, and operations are free from systemic bias and discrimination and that individual acts of discrimination and racism are not tolerated.

Recommendation 9

That the Government of Canada, in consultation with Indigenous, Black, and other racialized people, create a National Police College to provide preparation, training and education necessary for modern, professional and bias-free policing, including:

  • course offerings for continuing education, professionalization and specialization;
  • the provision of high quality cultural diversity training for Royal Canadian Mounted Police recruits and other interested police services members; and
  • mandatory crisis resolution and psychology courses.

Recommendation 10

That the Government of Canada explore the possibility of ending contract policing within the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and that the Government work with the provinces, territories and municipalities to help those interested establish their own provincial and territorial police services.

Recommendation 11

That the Government of Canada provide funding to all Indigenous communities who are interested in Community Safety Officer programs based upon the Kwanlin Dün First Nation model.

2.3      Provision of Policing Services to Indigenous Communities and the First Nations Policing Program

2.3.1   Colonialism and Indigenous Peoples’ Experiences of Systemic Racism in Policing

The Committee heard evidence from First Nations, Inuit, and Métis organizations, Indigenous community leaders and First Nations police service providers who testified about the role police services, including the RCMP, have played in Canada’s history of colonialism and the traumatic impact this has had on Indigenous communities and individuals.

Vice-Chief Teegee expressed:

For many years, since colonization began, the police force was used to take our people off the land. More recently, with the advent of the residential school policies, many of our children were taken from our homes and brought to residential schools.
In my language, Dakelh, the Carrier language, we call the RCMP nilhchuk-un, which, interpreted in our language, is “those who take us away”. Really, it was the RCMP who took our children away. In many respects, that's the way we still see the RCMP.[89]

With respect to the experience of her community, Chief Bill of the Kwanlin Dün First Nation expressed that citizens had made clear that “there remained a strong distrust of police”[90] owing to the trauma police had caused through their participation in enforcing child apprehensions during the Sixties Scoop, enforcing the residential schools program, forcing the relocation of Indigenous peoples and the failures to adequately respond to missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls.[91] As Chief Ghislain Picard of the Assembly of First Nations, Québec-Labrador described, “it was the police who abducted our children and forced them into residential schools. It was the police who prevented our peoples from participating in their ceremonies and practising their spirituality.”[92] While the Committee heard descriptions of historical injustices perpetrated by police agencies, witnesses also described current experiences of systemic racism against Indigenous peoples. Chief Picard explained that studies have confirmed that First Nations people are more likely to be detained by police following an arrest, often due to prejudice and racism, to be detained for longer periods of time and to be sentenced to longer terms of imprisonment than other Canadians.[93] They are also more likely to be imprisoned for non-payment of fines, and more likely to be killed in police operations.[94]

The Committee heard from witnesses that the Inuit have had a unique and relatively recent experience of being policed by the RCMP. As Gerri Sharpe, Vice-President of Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada explained, the RCMP only began policing the North shortly before she was born.[95] As she described:

In just a few decades, we underwent a profound transformation in our lives and livelihood, transformation that was organized by colonial forces outside of our control. The RCMP played a key role in these operations. They relocated us from permanent settlements to permanent settlements, transported Inuit children to residential schools and slaughtered Inuit sled dogs.
Simply put, in Inuit Nunangat, policing is a structure built on systematic racism. This is a culture with deeply held views resulting in failed responses to the violence that Inuit women and girls experience.
Inuit communities have an inclusive culture, but policing has another, built on colonialism.[96]

The Committee heard that in Inuit Nunangat, the homeland of the Inuit, which extends across the Northwest Territories, Nunavut, Nunavik (within the province of Québec) and Nunatsiavut (within Newfoundland and Labrador), the Inuit disproportionately experience police violence as compared to other Canadians and are faced with challenges accessing justice.[97] The RCMP polices all of Inuit Nunangat with the exception of Nunavik, which is policed by the Kativik Regional Police Service. Natan Obed, President of Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami, explained that the police service is “largely itinerant,”[98] lacking significant representation of Inuit, and without any “clear connection to community.”[99] Aluki Kotierk, President of Nunavut Tunngavik Inc. described “a relationship of distrust between Nunavut Inuit and the RCMP”[100] that had evolved from the historical role RCMP officers played in Nunavut to the present day. As she explained:

There is no doubt that the relationship between Nunavut Inuit and the RCMP is complex and strained. The RCMP was instrumental in relocating Inuit families into communities; the RCMP was instrumental in sending Inuit children to residential schools; the RCMP was instrumental in the slaughter of Inuit sled dogs.[101]

She noted that “[t]oday, many of the social and economic challenges experienced by Inuit are rooted in the loss of power and control caused by much of the colonial relationship.”[102] Furthermore, she expressed that “The RCMP does not understand our culture, nor does it understand our language.”[103] Natan Obed explained there is no Inuit-specific control over police services provided in their communities and the RCMP lacks a relationship with the community, which results in problems of over-policing, under-policing and excessive use of force.[104] Gerri Sharpe explained that police services in Inuit Nunangat suffer from under-staffing, short postings and a lack of cultural competence and familiarity with the local culture, language barriers, and insufficient resources and wrap-around community services.[105] She pointed the Committee to recommendations in the Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada’s report, Addressing Gendered Violence against Inuit Women: A review of police policies and practices in Inuit Nunangat, which specifically recommends that the federal government “ensure that all regions of Inuit Nunangat have effective and substantively equitable policing services.”[106]

With respect to the experiences of Métis communities with law enforcement, the Committee heard from Melanie Omeniho, President of the Women of the Métis Nation – Les Femmes Michif Otipemisiwak, who explained that:

Canada has a long history of policies and practices that have institutionalized racism toward Métis women, girls and gender-diverse people. While the current government is working towards reconciliation, many discriminatory policies and practices still exist today and have not been addressed yet.[107]

She described that studies have shown many Métis grow up in households where they witness or experience violence and substance abuse, and many have family members involved with the criminal justice system.[108] Métis men and women are also targeted by police practices like carding,[109] a form of racial profiling. She emphasized the need to address the over‑representation of Métis in crime and victimization by developing policing that builds trust with Métis communities and is responsive to the distinct needs and culture of the Métis.[110]

The Committee’s attention was drawn by many witnesses to the existence of several previous reports addressing, at least in part, ongoing problems with the provision of policing services to Indigenous communities and individuals. Many of these reports provide recommendations aimed at addressing systemic racism. With respect to the relationship between First Nations peoples in Canada and law enforcement, Chief Picard expressed:

Since 1967, at least 13 reports have examined this relationship. They have addressed all facets of the situation. Countless research reports have examined the issue. In every case, the conclusion is the same: Canada has failed.[111]

Examples of such reports, include the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s reports,[112] and Reclaiming Power and Place: The Final Report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls.[113] Witnesses expressed dismay that many of the recommendations contained in previous reports have not yet been actioned and demanded these recommendations be acted upon.

While Indigenous experiences with colonial police services have been marked by violence and distrust, witnesses reminded the Committee that prior to colonization Indigenous communities had their own models of law and policing which ought to be upheld.[114] Jeffrey Schiffer, Executive Director of Native Child and Family Services of Toronto, explained that:

[E]ach First Nation, along with Métis and Inuit people, has very long traditions of justice and public safety within their own cultures. For thousands of years before contact, they had systems established to maintain community safety and wellness and address crime in their communities. I think we have some good models there that are still alive and well within the knowledge base of the Indigenous people and that can be brought into the contemporary scenario to develop things.[115]

Witnesses emphasized that First Nations groups must be provided with clear jurisdiction over policing in their own communities.[116] Furthermore, as Natan Obed, President of Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami expressed, policing must be characterized by self-determination with each community shaping its own path forward[117] He explained that Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami could not take a position on whether Inuit police services should be formed to serve Inuit communities as consultations had not yet been conducted by the Board.[118] He also highlighted the importance of Inuit participation in the review of policing governance structures to ensure the views and perspectives of community members are not sidelined when determining a path forward.[119] Additionally, the Committee heard from Gerri Sharpe that the Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada had not yet conducted consultations within the Inuit community concerning whether the RCMP should continue to police the regions of Inuit Nunangat to which it currently provides contract policing services.[120]

Vice-Chief Teegee asserted that the rights to sovereignty and self-determination enshrined in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples[121] are applicable to policing.[122]

2.3.2   Indigenous Policing and the First Nations Policing Program

The Committee heard that all Indigenous communities should have access to the support necessary to develop their own police services that reflect and respond to their communities’ particular culture and needs.[123] To this end, Vice-Chief Teegee called for better cooperation between the provincial and federal governments to support Indigenous policing.[124]

The federal government plays a central role in providing the resources necessary for Indigenous communities to establish their own police services through the First Nations Policing Program. This program, which was established in the early 1990s, provides a structure whereby First Nations and Inuit communities can enter into agreements for various forms of police services responsive to the needs of their communities. The program predominantly works through two types of agreements:

  • self-administered Police Service Agreements: whereby a First Nation or Inuit community manages its own police service, regulated by provincial policing laws; and
  • community Tripartite Agreements: whereby RCMP police officers are contracted to provide policing services to a First Nations or Inuit community.[125]

Funding for the First Nations Policing Program is provided by the federal and provincial governments on a program basis leading to funding uncertainty and instability for these police services. For example, Terry McCaffrey, Chief of Police for the Wikwemikong Tribal Police Service and President of the Indigenous Police Chiefs of Ontario, expressed that Ontario’s self-administered First Nations police services are “chronically underfunded”[126] and First Nations officers are forced to work under conditions other officers would never be subjected to.[127] Both Chief Picard and Chief McCaffrey advocated that Indigenous police services need to be funded on parity with non-Indigenous services.[128] As Julian Falconer expressed, with respect to the status of Indigenous police services: “Indigenous people are entitled to equity, and they are entitled to safety backed by the rule of law.”[129]

The Committee heard evidence about the results of insufficient funding and support for Indigenous police services. Professor Roach highlighted in his testimony that the number of autonomous Indigenous police services (i.e. police services with self-administered police service agreements) in Canada has been declining over recent years, rather than growing.[130] He expressed that “[s]uch police services need resources and the freedom to work with others in the community, and hopefully to take over policing from the RCMP, OPP [Ontario Provincial Police] and the Sûreté [Sûreté du Québec].”[131]

Many witnesses articulated the need for Indigenous police services to be made “essential services,”[132] and the need for an Indigenous policing framework to be established, in order to ensure these services are provided stable long-term funding like other Canadian police services. The Hon. Bill Blair, Minister of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness, testified before the Committee that one of his mandate priorities is to “co-develop a legislative framework that recognizes First Nations policing as an essential service.”[133] However, John Paul, Executive Director of the Atlantic Policy Congress of First Nations Chiefs Secretariat, cautioned the Committee that unless a change to “essential service” status includes sufficient financial resources and the “governance and inclusiveness”[134] required for success, it may fail to achieve results as has occurred with previous policing strategies.

In addition to concerns about program status and funding, the Committee heard that Indigenous Police Services have been set up to fail, in part by a lack civilian oversight structures.[135] With respect to the provision of policing services for Indigenous communities, the Committee heard that it is important to include Indigenous people in the design of how policing is delivered.[136] This would include Indigenous police oversight structures, as police oversight is intended to ensure accountability to the particular community served.

Despite the considerable challenges Indigenous police services have faced, the Committee heard that First Nations police services have managed to build relationships of trust with the communities they serve and are a part of; relationships which are often absent in other police services.[137] The Committee heard evidence of the successes of Indigenous police services. For example, in a brief provided by Grand Chief Alvin Fiddler on behalf of the Nishnawbe Aski Nation, it was highlighted that in the 26-year history of the Nishnawbe Aski Police Service there have not been any police shooting deaths.[138] Julian Falconer also suggested that the unique structure of Indigenous police services could serve as a model or learning opportunity for “conventional” police services.[139]

2.3.3   Policing Services for Urban Indigenous Populations

Providing culturally appropriate and culturally informed services for Indigenous people living in urban centres was described by witnesses as a particular challenge because of the inherent diversity within Canadian cities. Over half of Canada’s Indigenous population, one quarter of the Inuit population and nearly two thirds of the Métis population live in metropolitan areas.[140]

Melanie Omeniho explained to the Committee that designing Indigenous policing solutions for Métis communities poses an added challenge, because unlike some First Nations communities that have developed their own police services, the Métis do not live in one geographical location.[141] However, she explained that the Métis Nation and its governments are looking towards developing their own justice processes and relationship building is necessary between the police services and the Métis Nation to improve the current system.[142]

Many witnesses expressed that training and funding is required to ensure urban police services can develop appropriate services for urban Indigenous populations. Vice‑Chief Teegee highlighted the importance of ensuring police services operating in urban centres have appropriate training from an Indigenous point of view about the lived experience of colonization, in addition to mental health and addiction training, because many cases of incarceration of Indigenous people and police-involved deaths occur in cities.[143] Additionally, Chris Sheppard, Board President of the National Association of Friendship Centres, testified that his organization has conducted a literature review of reports and recommendations concerning Indigenous justice. Three themes emerged from this review of recommendations made in previous reports, including : 1) “training and educating non-Indigenous people about Indigenous history, heritage, culture, identity, rights, laws, and current realities”[144]; 2) “increased funding to Indigenous communities as well as to public programs and organizations whose objective is to benefit Indigenous peoples”[145]; and 3)” increasing participation of Elders within the justice system.”[146] He expressed that:

Urban Indigenous people are continually caught in jurisdictional matters between federal and provincial governments. Law enforcement is no different.
For the recommendations to be successfully interpreted and implemented, funding must be provided to Indigenous people living in urban communities as well as in rural or remote communities on an equitable basis. The funding cannot just be a one-time payment or a short‑term proposal response to what is a generational issue. Rather, it must be sustainable, so that the programs and organizations concerned can be maintained and serve the community in the long term.[147]

Witnesses described some potential avenues for reform to ensure urban Indigenous populations have access to culturally relevant and responsive services. For example, Chief Zacharie suggested that urban police services could develop an integrated unit that would work with Indigenous communities and could employ a similar model to those found in Indigenous police services.[148] Michèle Audette, former Commissioner of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, pointed out that some policing organizations face difficulty attracting Indigenous staff and expressed that when transitioning to involve more Indigenous people within these organizations it is important to ensure police organizations are ready and open to change.[149] She suggested hiring those with expertise such as elders or other Indigenous staff, noting some police services have seen success hiring Indigenous people to patrol, which can build confidence and ensure successful interventions.[150]

Therefore, the Committee recommends:

Recommendation 12

That the Government of Canada work with Indigenous peoples to prioritize action on all recommendations by commissions and inquires regarding systemic racism against Indigenous peoples in policing and the justice system with the aim of implementing the unfulfilled recommendations, with attention to the recommendations from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission: Calls to Action and Reclaiming Power and Place: The Final Report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls that relate to policing.

Recommendation 13

That the Government of Canada, through consultation and partnership with First Nations, Inuit and Métis communities, and recognizing that decisions surrounding policing must be community driven, develop an Indigenous Police Services Framework designed to promote self‑determination and self-governance over policing to Indigenous communities; this framework should include:

  • the designation of Indigenous police services as essential services and a requirement that they are adequately resourced;
  • provision for the co-development, in consultation and cooperation with Indigenous peoples, of a model of civilian oversight for Indigenous police services, with the authority to audit such services and investigate claims of police misconduct; and
  • a commitment for the provision of sufficient funding and support to enable all interested Indigenous communities to develop Indigenous police services.

Recommendation 14

That the Government of Canada in collaboration with First Nations, Métis and Inuit communities and through negotiation, and in consultation with Indigenous leaders and organizations, offer to create specialized training rooted in Indigenous cultural knowledge and history.

Recommendation 15

That with the financial support of the Government of Canada, Indigenous policing models be developed in urban communities with significant Indigenous populations, in consultation and cooperation with local Indigenous people and local police authorities, to cooperate in policing, with:

  • advisory bodies resourced and financed appropriately;
  • Indigenous policing units within the urban police services;
  • special patrols with Indigenous officers or community support;
  • or such other models or arrangements that are appropriate to the local circumstances as may be agreed upon.

Recommendation 16

That the Government of Canada provide necessary resources and work with Inuit stake-holders on an Inuit led consultation within Inuit communities on the most appropriate and effective model of policing of Inuit communities, should they desire to undertake such consultations.

2.4      The Impact of Systemic Racism in Policing on Indigenous Women, Girls and LGBTQ2S+ People

In the course of its study, the Committee heard from many witnesses about the particular impact systemic racism in policing has had on racialized and Indigenous women, girls, and LGBTQ2S+ people. For example, Viviane Michel, explained the differential impact colonialism has had on Indigenous women:

Although colonialism impacted both men and women, the effects were not the same. Colonization was a gendered process that produced insidious stereotypes about Indigenous women, objectifying them. This has resulted in Indigenous women being doubly discriminated against; in addition to racism, they endure sexism.[151]

The effect of systemic racism on Indigenous and racialized women and girls includes both disproportionate exposure to police discrimination, such as racial profiling and excessive use of force by police during encounters when compared with other women, but also a failure of police agencies to protect these women from gender-based violence and homicide, or to investigate and respond appropriately to their criminal victimization.

2.4.1   The Impact of Police Violence, Racial Profiling and Other Misconduct on Indigenous Women

Witnesses shared with the Committee that Indigenous women have been subject to racism in policing through police brutality and abuse of authority, including excessive use of force and assault, sexual abuse, inappropriate behaviour, and failure to assist victims or inaction in cases of sexual violence.[152] Additionally, Ms. Michel noted that there have been reports of Indigenous women being subject to racial profiling, leading to abusive and discriminatory arrests, and reports of Indigenous women being the victims of “starlight tours” or “geographical cures.”[153] “Starlight tours” and “geographical cures” are terms referring to an abusive, dangerous, and in some cases lethal practice of police driving an Indigenous person to a remote area and leaving them there. In a brief submitted to the Committee, Human Rights Watch described hearing from Indigenous women in Saskatchewan of the fear “starlight tours” evoke, and the way that this fear prevents Indigenous women from seeking help from police.[154]

In a brief submitted to the Committee, Human Rights Watch described reports of police abuse and violence against Indigenous women. For example, Human Rights Watch reported 64 allegations of violence against Indigenous women by police in Saskatchewan, including “excessive use of force, invasive body and strip searches by male officers, and sexual harassment during these searches.”[155] In British Columbia, they similarly reported “young girls pepper-sprayed and tasered; a 12 year old girl attacked by a police dog; a 17 year-old punched repeatedly by an officer who had been called to help her; and women strip-searched by male officers; and women injured due to excessive force during arrest.”[156]

To address systemic racism in policing experienced by Indigenous women Ms. Michel recommended that:

There needs to be an action plan and concrete measures to address systemic racism and violence as well as police impunity against Aboriginal women, using an intersectional approach that takes into account all of the types of discrimination faced by Aboriginal women and the fact that these types of discrimination reinforce each other and that takes into account Aboriginal women in particular.[157]

2.4.2   Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women, Girls and LGBTQ2S+ People

The Committee heard testimony from several witnesses about the failed police responses to missing and murdered Indigenous women, girls, and LGBTQ2S+ people. For example, Mitch Bourbonniere, explained that police responses to missing Indigenous women and girls often result in blaming the victim for their lifestyle and that requests for help are not responded to in the same way for Indigenous people, that they are for non-Indigenous people in Winnipeg.[158] Viviane Michel explained to the Committee that:

The relationship of Aboriginal girls and women with police forces is central to the issue of missing and murdered Aboriginal girls and women. Inadequate police behaviour and responses must be taken into account in understanding this phenomenon. Families of missing or murdered persons do not trust the police because of their indifference, incompetence or misconduct towards them.[159]

To address community concerns surrounding systemic racism as it relates to police actions relating to missing and murdered Indigenous women, girls and LGBTQ2S+ people, witnesses emphasized the importance of taking action on the calls to justice contained within the final report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls.[160] Professor Myrna Lashley expressed that Indigenous women should be empowered to oversee and be a part of the solutions themselves[161] and Lorraine Whitman, President of the Native Women’s Association of Canada, expressed that Indigenous women must be at the table when determining how to address the issue of missing and murdered Indigenous women, girls and LGBTQ2S+ people.[162] Melanie Omeniho suggested to the Committee that police services should develop a best practices protocol for dealing with missing person reports of Métis, including specific steps to be taken to action them.[163]

With respect to current government action to address missing and murdered Indigenous women, girls and LGBTQ2S+ people, Minister Blair testified that the Government has funded reviews of policing practices and policies in light of the final report of the National Commission of Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, as a means of identifying current problems.[164] Commissioner Brenda Lucki testified that the RCMP is adopting a “trauma-informed approach”[165] as part of the actions responding to missing and murdered Indigenous women, as well as establishing a “national office of investigative standards and practices” to ensure all investigations “will be dealt with the same way regardless of what individual is the victim and what individual is the criminal.”[166]

2.4.3   Systemic Racism in Addressing Sexual and Gender-Based Violence

Police services have an important role to play in the investigation and enforcement of gender-based and sexual violence offences against Indigenous women, and in protecting Indigenous women who are the victims of violence. Indigenous women are at heightened risk of violence relative to Indigenous men and non-Indigenous women.[167] However, due to the historical trauma they have faced, Indigenous women are stigmatized throughout the criminal justice system and perceived as having substance use or other social problems that result in them not being seen as “credible or worthy victims.”[168] Furthermore, abusive and racist treatment by police officers has in some cases made Indigenous women feel unsafe reporting their own victimization to these agencies. For example, Melanie Omeniho explained to the Committee that during the National Commission of Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, the Women of the Métis Nation – Les Femmes Michif Otipemisiwak heard many reports of women who ended up becoming victims of the police service itself, so they felt unsafe to go to police when they were victims of violence.[169] Human Rights Watch noted that they “heard from community members and direct services staff how police abuse contributed to historic distrust between Indigenous communities and law enforcement and discouraged many from calling the police for help.”[170]

Gerri Sharpe, explained that research undertaken by the Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada revealed profound problems of systemic racism and colonialism in policing in Nunavut. She described many facets to this problem, including a lack of community services and support for Inuit women and a police service that is “poorly integrated into the community and therefore not seen as trustworthy.”[171] She suggested the police have little understanding of the root causes of drug and alcohol abuse and violence within the population.[172] She highlighted that while communication is a fundamental skill in policing, less than 5 of the 150 police officers serving in the RCMP in Nunavut are capable of speaking Inuktitut, which is a barrier for women seeking to report experiences of violence.[173] One of the outcomes of systemic racism in policing impacting Inuit women in Nunavut reported by the Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada was that several women who were victims of domestic violence had been removed from their homes instead of their abuser, a trauma-inducing situation that adds to the injustice experienced.[174] Furthermore, police officers had failed to monitor court-imposed sanctions, leading to mistrust of police and risk for women.[175]

To address the issue of gender-based and sexual violence against Indigenous women, Samantha Michaels, a Senior Research and Policy Advisor for the Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada, suggested ensuring that a family liaison officer and female police officer are available in all Inuit communities.[176]

While appropriate police training and practices are crucial to addressing gender-based violence, community and social service organizations that assist women who experience this violence are necessary and lacking. For example, Ms. Michaels explained to the Committee that in Nunavut there are insufficient shelters for women and insufficient resources to address domestic violence, leaving the local RCMP with few options to assist victims.[177]

Therefore, the Committee recommends:

Recommendation 17

That the Royal Canadian Mounted Police ensure that in all jurisdictions where they are the police service responsible for First Nations, Métis and Inuit communities, that a family liaison officer, and wherever reasonably possible, one female officer is available to address gender-based violence.

Recommendation 18

That the Government of Canada encourage the Royal Canadian Mounted Police to develop an action plan with concrete measures to address systemic racism and violence against Indigenous women using an intersectional approach, taking into account the different types of discrimination Indigenous women face and how these types of discrimination intersect.

Recommendation 19

That the Royal Canadian Mounted Police establish programs and review and revise policies to encourage officers who are stationed in First Nations, Métis, Inuit and Northern communities to accept longer postings in order to better establish ties with the communities they are serving.

2.5      Mental Health, Social Services and Crisis Response

2.5.1   The Increasing Interactions Between Police and Persons in Crisis

Addressing mental health crises and responding to “wellness checks” was identified as a major and growing challenge facing Canadian police services. RCMP Commissioner Brenda Lucki described that:

Our calls related to mental health are growing exponentially. We were looking at the statistics, and there are close to 10,000 calls a month or more just on mental health crises.[178]

Furthermore, Chief Dale McFee of the Edmonton Police Service estimated “social issues related to mental health, addictions, poverty and homelessness […] account for 80% to 92% of all calls for service.”[179] He highlighted that it is incumbent on police services to ensure that these calls are addressed differently from those involving repeat criminal offenders because a failure to do so will falsely inflate crime rates, undermine relations between police and the communities they serve, and alter perceptions of legitimacy.[180]

The issue of police responses to mental health and other forms of crisis relates to systemic racism in several ways. The committee heard that people from racialized communities often don’t have access to or connections with services leading to crises in the community for which the only source of assistance is the police.[181] Additionally, the trauma of experiencing racism can negatively impact the mental health of Indigenous and racialized people. Professor Myrna Lashley explained that:

Racism is bad for your health. It's bad for your health because people end up with hypertension, coronary vascular disease and tremendous mental health difficulties. The pressure of having to constantly maintain the facade of being okay in order to function within a society where the system—not the people, but the system—is built to be against people of colour is very wearying.[182]

2.5.2   Community Services and Community Responses to Crisis

Many witnesses who provided evidence to the Committee, including both civilians and police officers, emphasized that change is needed to ensure appropriate responses to mental health crises in the community and to put in place preventative measures to support people experiencing mental health issues and other challenges to get the help they need before a crisis develops. The Committee heard that mental health and addictions services, social services and resources to address homelessness are needed because at present police are being called upon to address social issues they are not equipped to handle. For example, Chief Peter Sloly of the Ottawa Police Service expressed that:

The community and police do not want to be the only or even primary response option to every call for service everywhere on a 24-7, 365 basis. This model does not fully serve the community's needs, and it puts police officers in an untenable position where they do not and cannot have the knowledge, skills and abilities to consistently and successfully deal with non-police related calls, most notably with people suffering from mental health issues or addictions.[183]

Similarly, Brian Sauvé, President of the National Police Federation, expressed that members of his organization, along with other Canadians, want to see an increase in front-line resources that help alleviate the pressure on vulnerable members of society, and by extension, police services.[184]

Some witnesses suggested that traditional police responses to mental health and social crises have not worked and advocated for shifting funding to social and community services. Jeffrey Schiffer explained that recent studies suggest that typical police service responses to mental health crises and wellness checks are ineffective.[185] Some witnesses called for the reallocation of funding away from policing and towards community and mental health service provision. For example, Ruth Goba, Executive Director of the Black Legal Action Centre, testified that her organization recommends reallocating “resources away from police budgets and into public health, housing, transit, children’s services, mental health resources, schools, employment, community centres and other social service budgets.”[186] Additionally, the Congress of Aboriginal Peoples suggested in a brief submitted to the Committee that sufficient resources must be provided for Indigenous community programs, including “long-term sustainable capacity-building funding for off-reserve and urban Indigenous organizations”.[187]

Addressing recent calls to “defund” the police services, Jeffrey Schiffer stated that:

For me, it's less about defunding police and more about a thoughtful consideration of how resources might be reallocated to community organizations to take on some of the work related to community safety, mental health response and victims services for Indigenous people and racialized communities.[188]

Aluki Kotierk, President of Nunavut Tunngavik, expressed that in Nunavut there is a lack of mental health services and supports, which often leaves the RCMP as the “first stop” for Inuit to get access to care and care is frequently not provided.[189] Some witnesses suggested the development of non-police crisis response systems that would involve community service providers in the de-escalation of crises. An example of a currently operating non-police crisis response was provided by Chief Bill, who described the Community Safety Officer program developed in the Kwanlin Dün First Nation, which involves specially trained community members and Indigenous people who act as liaisons between the community and police and can be involved in de-escalation of crises.[190] Witnesses pointed out that removing police from situations where they are not required can help to prevent harms of systemic racism, including high levels of use of force against racialized people[191] and police-involved deaths.[192]

2.5.3   Police and Mental Health System Partnerships

While some witnesses highlighted the need to provide more concrete mental health and social support systems in the community to respond to crises or prevent them altogether, the Committee also heard that police services have developed internal systems aimed at ensuring improved police responses to crises. For example, Tom Stamatakis, President of the Canadian Police Association, highlighted that many Canadian police agencies employ mobile crisis intervention teams that pair mental health nurses with police officers to provide rapid response to community crises.[193] Many witnesses expressed that these partnerships are helpful and provide effective crisis response in the community. For example, Inspector Patrick Roy, who is the manager of the psychosocial mobile intervention team for the City of Sherbrooke’s police service, explained that his team is comprised of a police officer and a social worker who respond to mental health calls in the community.[194] He noted that the program was a success and has been expanding over recent years due to the significant need for responses to mental health calls in the community.[195] However, Julian Falconer expressed reservations about these teams suggesting that they have not been made available during all hours of the day and week and often are not employed to de‑escalate conflicts, but in some cases only respond after a situation has been brought under control by police officers.[196]

Some witnesses also noted that it is important to recognize that mental health calls and other calls for service (including calls for responses to criminal behaviour) are not always distinct and mental health can play a role in many types of law enforcement interactions.[197] Mr. Stamatakis explained that while ideally police would not be the first response to mental health crises, there would always be a role for police responders in contexts where there is a danger to the public.[198]

Therefore, the Committee recommends:

Recommendation 20

That the Government of Canada work with the provinces and territories, municipalities and Indigenous communities to ensure adequate funding and service responsibilities related to mental health response and victim services.

Recommendation 21

That the Government of Canada work with the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, and provincial and municipal police services to encourage the use of persons specialized in victim services and mental health who would be available with first responders in situations requiring de‑escalation.

Recommendation 22

That the Government of Canada properly resource the Civilian Review and Complaints Commission for the Royal Canadian Mounted Police to conduct an independent review of RCMP operational policies and practices such as “wellness checks” and develop a timeline for corrective action to end police violence and ensure the safety and security of those in need of mental health support.

Recommendation 23

That the Government of Canada work with the provinces and territories to create an Indigenous-led working group to better examine the service needs related to mental health and victim services of the rapidly growing urban Indigenous population and ensure that mental health responses, victim services and community safety and policing programs serving Indigenous people living in urban areas are adequately resourced.

2.6      Racial Profiling, “Carding,” “Street Checks” and the Criminalization of Indigenous and Racialized People

Police in Canada perform an important role as gate-keepers of the criminal justice system and their exercise of discretion determines, in part, whose behaviour will be subject to criminalization.[199] Witnesses who provided evidence during this study explained that police powers can be exercised in racist ways and that policing practices and decision-making can contribute to disparities and over-representation of Indigenous and racialized people in the criminal justice system. Furthermore, structural inequalities can lead to Indigenous and racialized communities being over-policed.

2.6.1   Over-representation of Indigenous and Racialized People Within the Canadian Criminal Justice System and Over-policing

The Committee heard from many witnesses that at present Indigenous people have high rates of incarceration.[200] As Chief Picard explained:

Numerous studies have confirmed that First Nations people are more likely to be detained by the police following an arrest, most often on the basis of prejudice and racism. They are also more likely to be detained for long periods of time as part of the bail process. They are more likely to be sentenced to imprisonment and, too often, for long periods. They are more likely to be imprisoned for non-payment of fines.[201]

Additionally, many witnesses explained that systemic racism has similarly resulted in racialized people being over-represented in the criminal justice system. As social worker and sociologist Robert S. Wright explained:

We're overpoliced, overcharged, overprosecuted, disproportionately found guilty, have higher sentences, have differential and negative experiences while under correctional supervision, serve our sentences longer, and have a harder time transitioning into the community and receiving education and employment thereafter.
I think that’s the effect systemic racism tends to have on racialized people in Canada as it comes to policing and contact with the criminal justice system.[202]

In a brief submitted to the Committee, the Assembly of First Nations remarked that over-policing, the dedication of a disproportionate amount of police resources to law enforcement within particular racialized and Indigenous communities, has impacted First Nations communities and First Nations people in “urban, rural, and remote settings.”[203] Chief McCaffrey, explained that “years of overpolicing of Indigenous, Black and other marginalized people by conventional policing services have caused significant mistrust of police.”[204]

Professor Akwasi Owusu-Bempah provided the example of arrests for minor drug offences, where studies from Canada and other countries suggest that members of different racial groups use drugs at similar rates, yet there are stark differences in drug possession arrests between racial groups.[205] He expressed that:

While some of these differences can likely be attributed to officer behaviour and institutional policies and practices, the heightened police presence in the lives of Black and Indigenous people also plays an important role.[206]

He explained that over-policing is a form of structural racism, noting that Black and Indigenous people face racism in education and employment which can lead them to be more likely to experience poverty or live in low-income areas with higher crime rates and a heightened police presence.[207]

2.6.2   Carding, Street Checks, Racial Profiling, and Discrimination in Police Discretion

In addition to Indigenous and racialized communities experiencing heightened levels of policing, witnesses raised concerns about the discriminatory exercise of police discretion when deciding whether to stop, arrest, or criminally charge an individual.

For example, Professor Samuels-Wortley explained that her research concerning the exercise of police discretion to choose alternative measures to the court system for youth apprehended for committing a crime, as provided for in the Youth Criminal Justice Act,[208] suggests Black youth are less likely than youth from other backgrounds to receive alternative measures.[209] The Committee also heard testimony about racial profiling and its relationship to “carding” and “street checks.” The term “racial profiling” was described by the Supreme Court of Canada in R. v. Le, 2019 SCC 34:

[T]he concept of racial profiling is primarily concerned with the motivation of the police. It occurs when race or racial stereotypes about offending or dangerousness are used, consciously or unconsciously, to any degree in suspect selection or subject treatment.[210]

In other words, racial profiling involves police consciously or unconsciously applying stereotypes about racial groups when deciding whom to stop, detain, arrest, charge, or otherwise subject to policing. Many witnesses provided evidence about practices of racial profiling by Canadian police services. For example, with respect to racial profiling against Black Canadians, author Robyn Maynard explained to the Committee that:

Studies conducted in Toronto, Edmonton, Montreal, Halifax and Vancouver demonstrate that Black people are stopped by police at a rate anywhere from two to six times more frequently than white residents.[211]

Ruth Goba, Executive Director of the Black Legal Action Centre explained that her organization regularly receives calls from community members who are experiencing or have experienced racial profiling. She explained that “carding” and “street checks” are merely new terminology for racial profiling and people have been speaking about racial profiling for decades.[212] Justice Michael Tulloch has defined “street checks” as “information obtained by a police officer concerning an individual, outside of a police station, which is not part of an investigation.”[213] He differentiates “street checks” from “carding”, the latter which he defines as “situations where a police officer randomly asks an individual to provide identifying information when the individual is not suspected of any crime nor is there any reason to believe that the individual has information about any crime.”[214] However, the terms “carding” and “street checks” are often used interchangeably to describe police stopping an individual and seeking identifying information or other information from them. Both “street checks” and “carding” can involve racial profiling.

In their testimony, many witnesses described current practices of street checks or carding being used in Canada to target racialized communities. Robert S. Wright described the ongoing practice of street checks and carding being used against Black residents of Halifax. He explained that the community had worked to get this practice banned and several reports have been published describing the problem, but that these practices have persisted.[215] Professor Samuels-Wortley explained that several studies conducted in Canadian cities have demonstrated that Black men are “grossly over-represented in the official street check statistics.”[216] She explained that the research suggests that:

[R]acial differences with respect to police contact remain even after controlling for other relevant factors including gender, social class, neighbourhood characteristics and criminal behaviour.
In other words, racial differences in police contact cannot be explained away by poverty or involvement in crime. Race matters. If you're a Black man in Canada, the question is not if you will be stopped, but when.[217]

Minister Blair condemned racial profiling expressing that:

[R]acial profiling and any action of the police that is based on bias is not only unacceptable and abhorrent; it's contrary to law. It's contrary to the Canadian Human Rights Act […] and it's contrary to the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, which is the highest law in the country—[218]

In response to the problem of racial profiling and the related practices of carding and street checks, some witnesses advocated for banning these practices. For example, Alain Babineau recommended passing an anti-racial profiling law,[219] and Robert S. Wright advocated for a “national directive” banning street checks.[220]

2.6.3   Restorative Justice and Other Measures to Address the Criminalization of Indigenous and Racialized People

Restorative justice programs and diversionary measures were identified by witnesses as assisting to reduce incarceration of Indigenous and racialized people. Witnesses expressed that restorative justice programs can provide an alternative to criminalization for Indigenous and racialized communities and assist to keep people out of the criminal justice system.[221] The Committee also heard that access to diversion programs is lacking in some Canadian regions, including Nunavut.[222]

With respect to the over-representation of African Canadians in the criminal justice system, the Black Legal Action Centre recommended that the federal government should:

Develop and implement a national corrections strategy to address and correct the disproportionately high rates of African Canadians in the correctional system and ensure anti-discriminatory and culturally specific services for African Canadian offenders.[223]

Additionally, Chief Bryan Larkin explained the Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police (CACP) proposal to decriminalize the simple possession of drugs. He explained that the CACP advocates for a “public health-led model”[224] of policing because he suggested at present “We're criminalizing addictions. We're criminalizing homelessness. We're criminalizing many issues that should be diverted elsewhere.”[225] Robyn Maynard expressed that the “decriminalization of drugs could really substantively impact the well‑being of Black communities.”[226]

Therefore, the Committee recommends:

Recommendation 24

That the Government of Canada decriminalize the simple possession of all illicit drugs as called upon by the Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police and public health officials.

Recommendation 25

That the Government of Canada offer pardons for all individuals convicted of simple possession of illicit drugs.

Recommendation 26

That the Government of Canada adopt a national policy that prohibits racial profiling and other forms of selective identification and recording of the presence of members of the public other than for investigative purposes and denounces such practices as discriminatory and contrary to the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

Recommendation 27

That the Government of Canada provide increased funding to ensure that restorative justice programs are effective and available to Indigenous, Black and other racialized people throughout the country.

Recommendation 28

That the Government of Canada amend the Youth Criminal Justice Act, to ensure a police officer’s discretion to choose alternative measures to the court system when apprehending a youth who has committed a crime is applied equitably, so that alternative sanctions are fairly offered to everyone; that specific procedures or guidelines be put in place to determine what crimes would permit alternative sanction so that equal access is given to this privilege.

Recommendation 29

That the Government of Canada develop a national strategy to address and correct the disproportionately high rates of Indigenous and Black people in the criminal justice system and ensure anti-discriminatory and culturally specific services for Indigenous and Black people.

2.7      Police Use of Force Against Indigenous and Racialized People

2.7.1   Police Use of Force

Throughout the course of its study on systemic racism in policing in Canada, the Committee heard many witnesses express concerns about excessive or unnecessary use of force by police against Indigenous and racialized people. Witnesses explained that Indigenous and racialized people are over-represented among recipients of police use of force and among police-involved deaths.[227] For example, the Committee heard that Inuit disproportionately experience police violence and have relatively higher police-involved death rates than others.[228] The Committee also heard that in Toronto, Black people are more likely to be recipients of police use of force, but also subject to greater force than white people.[229] Professor Owusu-Bempah pointed out, however, that the full extent of use of force by police in Canada is unclear because data on use of force is not systematically collected by all Canadian police services.[230]

The Committee also heard that use of force by police in Canada is a relatively rare occurrence, with force involved in less than 1% of police calls.[231] Additionally, Professor Christian Leuprecht explained that most police use of force in Canada is in accordance with the National Use of Force Framework, which represents the legal standards governing its use.[232]

To address the over-representation of racialized and Indigenous people among recipients of police use of force some witnesses suggested that police use of force and self-defence laws should be reviewed and reformed. While both federal and provincial laws can impact police use of force, statutory defences for the use of force by police and other persons engaged in the administration or enforcement of the law or in the prevention of a breach of the peace or riot, are contained in the federal Criminal Code.[233] Additionally, self-defence provisions applicable in contexts where anyone, including a police officer, uses reasonable force to protect themselves from use of force or a threat of force by another person are also contained in the Criminal Code.[234] Use of force without legal justification can be a criminal offence or a civil tort so the standards set out in the statutory defence and self-defence provisions of the Criminal Code significantly shape use of force law in Canada. Allen Benson, expressed to the Committee that in his opinion, the statutory defence provisions in the Criminal Code provide a “very vague”[235] definition of what “reasonable use of force” entails, leading to differing frameworks and policies on use of force being applied across Canada by provincial and municipal police services.[236] He suggested a federal standard with clear definition of use of force should be created with input from civilians, women, Indigenous peoples and minority groups, and incorporated in the Criminal Code and federal policing legislation.[237] To clarify federal self-defence laws, that can also apply to police use of force, Professor Roach suggested: “Parliament should make clear that reasonable self-defence cannot be based on racist fears, even if those are genuinely and subjectively held.”[238] Additionally, with respect to police policies on use of force, Vice-Chief Teegee recommended implementing a “zero-tolerance policy” on excessive use of force.[239]

2.7.2   De-Escalation

The Committee also heard that police service policies and training on de-escalation are relevant to addressing disproportionate use of force against Indigenous and racialized people. Michelaine Lahaie suggested that police training on de-escalation is critical when police respond to situations like “wellness checks.”[240]

Many witnesses advocated for increased de-escalation training for police.[241] Professor Owusu-Bempah suggested that comparatively less time in police training should focus on physical skills, like swimming, use of a firearm and high-speed pursuits, and relatively more time should be devoted to training on de-escalation and police interactions with the public.[242] Lorraine Whitman noted that, in a meeting with Commissioner Lucki, she had requested that the RCMP work with Indigenous people to develop new de-escalation protocols created for and with Indigenous people.[243] Julian Falconer testified with respect to his experience working on inquests pertaining to police-involved deaths, that police services have repeatedly been unable to effectively reallocate their resources towards de-escalation measures and away from a “militaristic concept”[244] of policing.

Therefore, the Committee recommends:

Recommendation 30

That the Government of Canada work in consultation with civilians, Indigenous peoples, and Black and other racialized Canadians, to review the federal use of force framework to ensure that it:

  • defines permissible use of force in greater detail;
  • provides requirements for the operational use of de‑escalation tactics;
  • prioritizes de-escalation in use of force philosophy, tactics and training;
  • respects as a guiding principle that officers use the least force necessary in the circumstances; and
  • requires adequate ongoing training of officers.

Recommendation 31

That the Government of Canada request that the Royal Canadian Mounted Police create a nationwide database of police use of force incident data disaggregated by race, colour, ethnic background, national origin, gender and other identities; regularly collect this data by implementing a mandatory reporting policy, and regularly publicize the data collected.

Recommendation 32

That the Government of Canada work with provinces, territories, police services and chiefs of police across the country to develop a similar national database including all Canadian police services.

Recommendation 33

That the Royal Canadian Mounted Police enforce its zero-tolerance policy for excessive use of force and that there be serious consequences for excessive use of force regardless of whether the threshold is met to lay criminal charges against the officer involved.

2.8      Cultural Awareness, Anti-Racism, Implicit Bias and Diversity Training

Throughout its study of Systemic Racism in Policing in Canada, the Committee heard about the importance of police training that seeks to promote cultural awareness, prevent bias and racism, and foster diversity. Many witnesses emphasized the importance of police training in equipping officers to work with the diverse cultures and communities they interact with and to learn about the history of racism and colonialism in Canada. It was also suggested that training can equip police officers to recognize their own biases and assist them to provide services free of racial discrimination. For example, Melanie Omeniho expressed:

A complete re-education of the entire police system is required. This training must go beyond a tick box of cross-cultural training, but must cause the system and participants to fully examine their biases, both overt and unconscious.[245]

With respect to current cultural awareness and anti-bias training provided to RCMP officers, the Committee heard testimony from Commissioner Lucki, about the “blanket exercise”, which provides cadets with training led by an Indigenous elder on “the history of Indigenous cultures”[246] and the impact of their actions in the field. She also explained that cadets complete a mandatory online cultural awareness course, and training on trauma-informed approaches to dealing with victims of crime.[247] Additionally, she explained that when RCMP members are assigned to their divisions, they complete a one-week “Indigenous perceptions course” specific to the province they will be working in.[248]

Many witnesses emphasized the importance of training police officers to understand the historical and contemporary experiences of racialized and Indigenous peoples who live in the particular communities that they serve. For example, Gerri Sharpe expressed that non-Inuit people involved in policing Inuit communities require specialized training to develop cultural competency.[249] Professor Samuels-Wortley pointed out that when officers initially arrive at training they need to be taught about the history of colonialism and slavery in Canada, to provide them with an understanding of systemic racism.[250] Senator Vernon White, a former Assistant Commissioner of the RCMP, explained that when he was working in the Yukon, RCMP officers would be educated in First Nations communities and would be mentored by local elders, a system which he explained was beneficial for building relationships with these communities and learning about them.[251] Eleanor Sunchild, a lawyer, provided a brief to the Committee recommending that police officers “should receive culturally specific training which includes direct involvement with the Indigenous communities they intend to serve.”[252] Melanie Omeniho suggested that police services should provide training to police officers on the unique history and needs of the Métis community and establish better communication with these communities through the implementation of representative advisory boards involving community members.[253] Vice-Chief Teegee emphasized that many Indigenous people served by police live in urban centres and expressed that urban police services should be trained about colonialism and the lived experiences and perspectives of Indigenous people.[254]

However, some witnesses also expressed skepticism about the efficacy of more police training as a means of combatting systemic racism and some witnesses cautioned the Committee against assuming that training alone can adequately address systemic racism. For example, Jeffrey Schiffer explained that in a large study evaluating training, the promotion of inclusion, and the establishment of institutional responsibility initiatives undertaken by police services, training was found to have the least impact on systemic racism. While all three strategies used together could be successful, “systemic racism in policing is driven by a constellation of individual, group, institutional, and social elements.”[255] Additionally, Professor Samuels-Wortley emphasized that it is important to evaluate the effectiveness of anti‑racism training initiatives to determine the impact they have on the way police provide services in their communities.[256]

Therefore, the Committee recommends:

Recommendation 34

That the Government of Canada ensure that the Royal Canadian Mounted Police work in collaboration with First Nations, Métis and Inuit communities to establish advisory committees composed of elders, community leaders and cultural facilitators to ensure police practises and procedures address community needs.

Recommendation 35

That the Royal Canadian Mounted Police improve training to ensure that it includes enhanced de-escalation, implicit bias, gender-based violence, cultural awareness, and the history of colonialism and slavery in Canada.

Recommendation 36

That the Royal Canadian Mounted Police mandate that officers receive specific cultural competency training developed in collaboration with the racialized, First Nations, Inuit, and Métis communities they intend to serve.

2.9      Racial, Cultural and Linguistic Diversity and Representativeness of Canadian Police Services

The Committee repeatedly heard from witnesses about the importance of police services being representative of the communities they serve and the importance of fostering diversity in policing. Additionally, many witnesses spoke to current barriers that prevent the recruitment of Indigenous and racialized people in Canadian police services.

The Committee heard from Commissioner Lucki that the RCMP would like a more diverse membership that reflects the communities served, and is working to remove any unintentional bias in recruitment or training policies.[257] Commissioner Lucki testified that according to self-identification statistics for RCMP police officers, 78% are male and 21% are female; 11.5% are members of a visible minority group; 7.5% are Indigenous; and 1.6% are people with disabilities.[258]

Several witnesses expressed concerns about the current diversity and representativeness of the RCMP, particularly with respect to its work in Indigenous communities. For example, Aluki Kotierk and Natan Obed explained to the Committee that there are not enough Inuit members of the RCMP policing Inuit communities.[259] Natan Obed noted that as of September 2019, only three out of 131 RCMP regular officers in Nunavut were Inuit and in Nunavik only three out of 70 police officers were Inuit.[260] He explained that increased recruitment of Inuit and Inuktitut speakers by the RCMP is crucial in order to build trust with Inuit communities and to improve police communication with the Inuit population.[261] As Aluki Kotierk explained:

Nunavut is quite unique among all other jurisdictions in that it's the only jurisdiction that has an Indigenous majority population that speaks a first language that is neither of the two official languages of Canada. That makes it extremely important that the police officers and the employees of these police officers are able to understand Inuit culture and are able to understand Inuktitut.[262]

Natan Obed expressed that Inuktitut language skills and cultural knowledge of the Inuit about their communities is not currently valued in the context of human resources at the RCMP and suggested this must change.[263]

Witnesses mentioned several potential barriers to recruitment of more Inuit RCMP officers. These included the itinerant nature of the RCMP’s police service, which routinely moves officers around to different communities rather than allowing them to work in their home community.[264] Other witnesses suggested that the culture of the RCMP itself might prove a barrier to recruitment. For example, Robert S. Wright expressed with respect to policing in the North, that:

To ask Indigenous people to train in a colonial form of policing to police their own communities is really to ask them to adopt an internal identity struggle before they even have their first day on the job.[265]

Concerns about the history and culture of the RCMP were also shared in relation to the recruitment of Indigenous police officers more broadly. For example, Lorraine Whitman explained that the history of police involvement in the residential schools and Sixties Scoop leads Indigenous people not to want to be a part of something that’s been experienced as “so negative and so hurtful.”[266] In contrast, however, Chief McCaffrey explained that recruitment and retention of police officers has not posed a problem for the Wikwemikong Tribal Police Service. He explained:

What it boils down to is that our community supports us. Because of that, we're able to work with our community and build recruiting sessions that are attracting people from our community.[267]

Professor Owusu-Bempah explained to the Committee that it is important to examine the experiences of racialized officers within police services when seeking to address systemic racism. He explained:

Many police services across the country have made great efforts to increase the diversity of their workforce, and I mean diversity in terms of what all their officers look like, but unfortunately, my own research tells me that racialized officers do not feel that they are taken into the police subculture and brought into the police brotherhood. I use the term “brotherhood” there purposely. They're overlooked for task and area assignments, and too often passed over for promotion.[268]

With respect to the RCMP, Professor Leuprecht pointed the Committee to the National Security and Intelligence Committee of Parliamentarians 2019 annual report, which showed that visible minority people are under-represented in the RCMP, including among senior ranks, and which documented resistance to diversity and inclusion within the organization.[269]

Therefore, the Committee recommends:

Recommendation 37

That the Government of Canada in collaboration with First Nations, Métis and Inuit communities prioritize the recruitment of Indigenous people and women into Indigenous police services.

Recommendation 38

That the Government of Canada encourage the Royal Canadian Mounted Police to ensure diversity in hiring for all levels within the police service so that it better reflects the communities that it serves, specifically with a goal of hiring more Indigenous and racialized people, and women.

Recommendation 39

That the Royal Canadian Mounted Police be encouraged to review their screening process for new recruits to ensure that those with biases against Indigenous and racialized people and women be rejected.

Recommendation 40

That the Royal Canadian Mounted Police be encouraged to take into consideration Inuit language skills and community knowledge when evaluating candidates and making decisions surrounding deployment of officers.

2.10   Race-Based Data Collection and Dissemination

Disaggregated race-based data is important to identify problems with policing policies or practices that may result in racist outcomes and to evaluate the results of reforms aimed at reducing systemic racism. Many participants to this study advocated for the collection of disaggregated race-based data and Indigenous-specific data on policing in Canada arguing this information is necessary to understand and address the impacts of systemic racism on Canadians. Ruth Goba explained “Where data is collected, you are able to understand where the disparity is, where the difference is, and you can fix it.”[270] Fo Niemi, Executive Director of the Centre for Research-Action on Race Relations, described the need for race-based data collection in policing as a matter of science, pointing out that without race-based data collection evidence-based public policy decisions are impossible.[271] The Committee heard that the collection of disaggregated race-based data has been identified by human rights experts as an important step to take when working to eliminate systemic racism.[272]

The Committee also heard acknowledgement from those responsible for federal policing that race-based data is important to addressing racism. Minister Blair suggested collection of such data would be “invaluable and necessary”[273] and RCMP Commissioner Lucki suggested such data would be “crucial”[274] to examine racial disparities and how to address them.

Several particular types of race-based data were identified by witnesses as helpful to collect. These included:

  • police stops, searches and arrests;[275]
  • hit rates from stops;[276]
  • charges dropped by the Crown; and[277]
  • use of force incidents.[278]

With respect to data on police use of force, Professor Owusu-Bempah suggested the creation of a national use of force database because at present this information is not systematically collected, the extent of use of force by police in Canada is unknown, and this information is consequently unavailable to inform government, policy-makers and researchers.[279] Similarly, Professor Leuprecht noted the necessity for the systematic collection of use of force statistics throughout Canada to identify the challenges faced.[280]

However, while the Committee heard consensus among many witnesses on the need to collect race-based data, some witnesses also cautioned that it is important to proceed carefully in the collection and use of this data, including ensuring that the right policies and practices are in place to prevent misuse. For example, Robert S. Wright advised the committee of the importance of ensuring those handling and analyzing this data have an understanding of systemic racism and the knowledge and skills to apply critical race analysis to avoid data being used to reinforce racist stereotypes.[281] Additionally, Professor Owusu‑Bempah suggested that such data collection must be “comprehensive”[282] because cursory data collection could be used to further stigmatize groups and lead to policies producing greater marginalization.

Concern was also expressed that data collection must translate into concrete action. Benson Cowan, Chief Executive Officer of the Legal Services Board of Nunavut, expressed the importance of ensuring data collection causes policy change, noting that even where evidence has been collected and is clear about the inequities in the justice system, “a big gap remains in how it informs policy and operational choices on the part of the institutions”[283] that make up that system.

In addition to data collection, some witnesses raised concerns about access to police data. The Committee heard that civilians and activists can only access police data by requesting this information from the police agencies holding it and it is difficult to obtain even when legislated to be provided.[284] Professor Samuels-Wortley expressed a need for greater transparency from police services to document racism and evaluate responses, noting:

We require improved race-based data collection, access and dissemination. We also require a commitment to work with researchers, including researchers of colour, who are willing to make critical inquiries into law enforcement practices. We can no longer rely on researchers who just give police the answers they are looking for.[285]

Some leaders in the policing community shared recent changes being made to ensure the collection of race-based data to inform policy change. For example, Chief Nishan Duraiappah shared with the Committee that he is putting in place structures for the collection of race-based data to identify discriminatory practices in his policing organization in order to dismantle them.[286] Chief Bryan Larkin recounted a commitment by the Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police to work with Statistics Canada to collect data on Indigenous and ethno-cultural identity in police-reported crime statistics on victims and accused persons, including important context to “avoid stigmatizing communities.”[287]

Therefore, the Committee recommends:

Recommendation 41

That the Government of Canada ensure that a critical race analysis is applied to all racially disaggregated police data collected to ensure that the manner in which it is used does not further stigmatize or marginalize Indigenous and racialized people.

Recommendation 42

That the Government of Canada request that the Royal Canadian Mounted Police collect and publicize national comprehensive and disaggregated race-based data covering police interactions with the public.

2.11   The “Bastarache Report”

The Committee was powerfully impacted by the testimony of the Hon. Michel Bastarache concerning his report Broken Dreams Broken Lives: The Devastating Effects of Sexual Harassment on Women in the RCMP,[288] (the “Bastarache Report”) which describes appalling acts and patterns of sexism, homophobia, and racism within the RCMP. On December 7, 2020 the Committee adopted a motion to take the testimony of the Hon. Michel Bastarache and the relevant sections of his report into consideration for this study and to invite the Minister of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness and the Commissioner of the RCMP to appear in response to the report.[289]

The Bastarache Report describes the evidence heard during the assessment of 3,086 claims of gender or sexual-orientation based discrimination concerning incidents occurring while the claimant was employed by the RCMP. The conduct described includes systemic patterns of discrimination based on gender, sexual orientation and race, including workplace cultures characterized by misogyny, homophobia, and racism and inter-personal violence, including sexual violence. It also describes structural inequalities that prevented women and LGBTQ2S+ people from receiving promotion, training and work assignments on an equal basis with other applicants and retribution exacted for attempts to bring forward complaints or seek redress for discrimination. In a great many cases the behaviour which was subject to complaints was not only discriminatory but criminal, including sexual assaults and 131 cases of rape.[290] While some of the conduct described was historical, having occurred between 16 September 1974 and 30 May 30 2017, the Hon. Michel Bastarache explained to the Committee that some complainants had disclosed ongoing experiences of workplace harassment within the RCMP despite changes made to address gender and sexual orientation based harassment.[291] The Bastarache Report provides 52 recommendations to address the problems identified during the claim assessment process.

The impact of the harassment, discrimination and violence against women and LGBTQ2s+ people described in the Bastarache Report was profound. Some experienced serious psychological injury, including post traumatic stress disorder, suicidality, harm to their self-esteem and family life, loss of confidence and feelings of anger and humiliation.[292]

The Bastarache Report describes the compounded discrimination experienced by Indigenous, racialized and LGBTQ2S+ RCMP members:

LGBTQ2S+ women or women of Indigenous or racialized heritage were often treated even more poorly. They were subjected to discrimination and harassment because of their sexual orientation or race as well as gender.[293]

In his testimony before the Committee the Hon. Michel Bastarache described the internal culture of the RCMP as “toxic,”[294] noting that while many claimants described some good members of the RCMP, “they indicated that even these members often felt compelled to accept the prevalent culture and remained silent in the face of injustice.”[295] The Bastarache Report states:

What I learned in reviewing claims and speaking to claimants has led me to conclude that the RCMP has a toxic culture which has proved intractable to change despite numerous reports and substantial litigation costs. This culture promotes, or at the very least tolerates, misogynistic, racist and homophobic attitudes among many members of the RCMP. Such attitudes cause harm and are inconsistent with the Charter values of equality. They must not be allowed to persist.[296]

In his report, the Hon. Michel Bastarache acknowledged that previous reports have called for a fundamental restructuring of the RCMP. He expressed that:

I am of the view that cultural change is highly unlikely to come from within the RCMP. It has had many years and many reports and recommendations and yet the unacceptable behaviours continue to occur. Women who supported a fresh start were of the view that they, as women, would be better accepted in a modern, federal policing organization. It is my belief the time has come for the Government of Canada to ask some hard questions about the structure and governance of federal policing.[297]

The Bastarache Report documents disrespectful conduct at all levels of the RCMP hierarchy and explains that despite several previous reports providing good recommendations to address systemic problems within the RCMP, and despite changes to policy and legislation that have been made, complainants expressed the view that these changes had not been properly implemented and discretion was exercised to override their intended aims.[298] As the report expresses: “Culture eats Policy every time.”[299]

The Bastarache Report describes recommendations made by some of the women interviewed suggesting:

the establishment of a Royal Commission of Inquiry to study the options for the future of the RCMP, including significant changes to its mandate, structure and governance, and the option of establishing a new federal police agency.[300]

The report calls on the federal government to consider establishing such an independent commission of inquiry.[301]

Conclusion

In light of the testimony and briefs received, the Committee recognizes that systemic racism in policing in Canada is a real and pressing problem to be urgently addressed. As many witnesses emphasized throughout this study, there have been many previous studies undertaken and reports authored addressing various aspects of systemic racism in Canadian policing over decades, yet many of the issues identified and recommendations made previously have resulted in little change or responses that have failed to remedy the disproportionate harms experienced by Indigenous and racialized communities.

Through the provision of the recommendations listed herein, the Committee hopes to propel the fundamental changes necessary to ensure all Canadians can equally benefit from professional, respectful, and representative police services, free of racism and other forms of discrimination.


[1]              House of Commons, Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security (SECU), Minutes of Proceedings, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, 23 June 2020.

[2]              SECU, Minutes of Proceedings, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, 8 October 2020.

[3]              Hon. Michel Bastarache, Broken Dreams Broken Lives: The Devastating Effects of Sexual Harassment on Women in the RCMP, 11 November 2020.

[4]              SECU, Minutes of Proceedings, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, 7 December 2020.

[5]              SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 7 December 2020, 1530 (Alain Babineau, Consultant, Law Enforcement and Social Justice Advocate, As an Individual). Quoting Senator Murray Sinclair, as quoted in Sierra Bein, “Morning Update: RCMP commissioner ‘struggles’ with definition of systemic racism, but denies it exists on force,” Globe & Mail, 11 June 2020.

[6]              SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1520 (Akwasi Owusu-Bempah, Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, University of Toronto, As an Individual).

[7]              Ibid.

[8]              Ibid.

[9]              SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1405 (Chief Ghislain Picard, Regional Chief, Assembly of First Nations, Québec-Labrador).

[10]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1115 (Vice-Chief Terry Teegee, Regional Chief, British Columbia Assembly of First Nations).

[11]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 24 July 2020, 1400 (Myrna Lashley, As an Individual).

[12]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1405 (Chief Ghislain Picard).

[13]            Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Part I of the Constitution Act, 1982, being Schedule B to the Canada Act 1982 (UK), 1982, c. 11, s. 15.

[14]            Canadian Human Rights Act, R.S.C. 1985, c. H‑6.

[15]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 24 July 2020, 1405 (Fabrice Vil, As an Individual).

[16]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 12, 14 August 2020, 1215 (Chief Bryan Larkin, Chief of Police, Waterloo Regional Police Service, and member of the Drug Advisory Committee, Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police).

[17]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 24 July 2020, 1520 (Ruth Goba, Executive Director, Black Legal Action Centre).

[18]            Royal Canadian Mounted Police Act, R.S.C. 1985, c. R-10, s. 45.76.

[19]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 10, 24 July 2020, 1110 (Michelaine Lahaie, Chairperson, Civilian Review and Complaints Commission for the RCMP).

[20]            Ibid., 1115.

[21]            Ibid.

[22]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 12, 14 August 2020, 1355 (Julian Falconer, As an Individual).

[23]            SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1610 (Kent Roach, Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Toronto, As an Individual).

[24]            Ibid.

[25]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1115 (Vice-Chief Terry Teegee).

[26]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1530 (Allen Benson, Chief Executive Officer, Native Counselling Services of Alberta).

[27]            SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1620 (Kent Roach); SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1320 (Benson Cowan, Chief Executive Officer, Legal Services Board of Nunavut); Civilian Review and Complaints Commission for the RCMP, Systemic Racism in Policing in Canada: Submission to the House of Commons Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security, 2020, p. 6–7.

[28]            Civilian Review and Complaints Commission for the RCMP, Systemic Racism in Policing in Canada: Submission to the House of Commons Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security, 2020, p. 6.

[29]            Ibid., p. 6.

[30]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1525 (Allen Benson).

[31]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 10, 24 July 2020, 1110 (Michelaine Lahaie).

[32]            SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 7, 18 November 2020, 1655 (Jocelyn Formsma, Executive Director, National Association of Friendship Centres).

[33]            Ibid.

[34]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 10, 24 July 2020, 1110 (Michelaine Lahaie).

[35]            Ibid., 1200.

[36]            Ibid., 1110.

[37]            Ibid.

[38]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1525-1530 (Allen Benson).

[39]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1320 (Benson Cowan).

[40]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 10, 24 July 2020, 1130 (Michelaine Lahaie).

[41]            Civilian Review and Complaints Commission for the RCMP, Systemic Racism in Policing in Canada: Submission to the House of Commons Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security, 2020, p. 6.

[42]            Royal Canadian Mounted Police Act, R.S.C. 1985, c. R-10, ss. 37, 38.; Royal Canadian Mounted Police Regulations, 2014, SOR/2014-281, Schedule.

[43]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 24 July 2020, 1455 (Viviane Michel, President, Québec Native Women Inc.).

[44]            Christian Leuprecht, Submission Re: SECU hearings on Systemic Racism in Policing in Canada, 24 July 2020.

[45]            SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1750 (Kanika Samuels-Wortley, Assistant Professor, Carleton University, As an Individual).

[46]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1115 (Vice-Chief Terry Teegee).

[47]            SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 November 2020, 1755 (Robyn Maynard, Author, As an Individual); SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1735 (Kanika Samuels-Wortley); SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 24 July 2020, 1435 (Fabrice Vil).

[48]            Christian Leuprecht, Submission Re: SECU hearings on Systemic Racism in Policing in Canada, 24 July 2020.

[49]            Ibid.

[50]            Ibid.

[51]            SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 7 December 2020, 1545 (Alain Babineau).

[52]            Ibid., 1630; Hon. Michel Bastarache, Broken Dreams Broken Lives: The Devastating Effects of Sexual Harassment on Women in the RCMP, 11 November 2020, p. viii.

[53]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 12, 14 August 2020, 1210 (Chief Nishan Duraiappah, Chief of Police, Peel Regional Police).

[54]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 10, 24 July 2020, 1235 (Chief Dale McFee, Chief of Police, Edmonton Police Service).

[55]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 12, 14 August 2020, 1210 (Chief Nishan Duraiappah).

[56]            Ibid., 1210 (Julian Falconer); SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1610 (Kent Roach); Christian Leuprecht, Submission Re: SECU hearings on Systemic Racism in Policing in Canada, 24 July 2020, p. 2.

[57]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 12, 14 August 2020, 1210 (Julian Falconer).

[58]            Christian Leuprecht, Submission Re: SECU hearings on Systemic Racism in Policing in Canada, 24 July 2020, p. 2.

[59]            Ibid.

[60]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 10, 24 July 2020, 1150 (Rick Parent, As an Individual); SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 12, 14 August 2020, 1400 (Julian Falconer).

[61]            Christian Leuprecht, Submission Re: SECU hearings on Systemic Racism in Policing in Canada, 24 July 2020, p. 5.

[62]            Ibid., p. 5.

[63]            Ibid., p. 6.

[64]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 10, 24 July 2020, 1105 (Christian Leuprecht, Professor, Department of Political Science, Royal Military College of Canada, As an Individual).

[65]            Ibid.

[66]            Ibid.

[67]            SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1610 (Kent Roach).

[68]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 24 July 2020, 1550 (Chief Dwayne Zacharie, President, First Nations Chiefs of Police Association).

[69]            SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1640 (Kent Roach).

[70]            Ibid.

[71]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 10, 24 July 2020, 1135 (Christian Leuprecht).

[72]            Hon. Michel Bastarache, Broken Dreams Broken Lives: The Devastating Effects of Sexual Harassment on Women in the RCMP, 11 November 2020, p. iv.

[73]            SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 10, 2 December 2020, 1620 (Hon. Michel Bastarache, Legal Counsel, As an Individual).

[74]            Hon. Michel Bastarache, Broken Dreams Broken Lives: The Devastating Effects of Sexual Harassment on Women in the RCMP, 11 November 2020, p. 66.

[76]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1610 (Hon. Vernon White, Senator, CSG).

[77]            Ibid.

[78]            SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1725 (Kanika Samuels‑Wortley).

[79]            Ibid., 1610 (Kent Roach).

[80]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 24 July 2020, 1545 (Chief Dwayne Zacharie).

[81]            Ibid., 1550.

[82]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1415 (Chief Doris Bill, Chief, Kwanlin Dün First Nation).

[83]            Ibid.

[84]            Ibid., 1420; Ibid., 1435.

[85]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1435 (Chief Doris Bill).

[86]            Ibid., 1420.

[87]            Ibid., 1435.

[88]            Ibid., 1500.

[89]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1115 (Vice-Chief Terry Teegee).

[90]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1415 (Chief Doris Bill).

[91]            Ibid.

[92]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1405 (Chief Ghislain Picard).

[93]            Ibid.

[94]            Ibid.

[95]            SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1715 (Gerri Sharpe, Vice-President, Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada).

[96]            Ibid.

[97]            SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1120 (Natan Obed, President, Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami).

[98]            Ibid.

[99]            Ibid.

[100]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1125 (Aluki Kotierk, President, Nunavut Tunngavik Inc.).

[101]          Ibid.

[102]          Ibid., 1405.

[103]          Ibid., 1125.

[104]          Ibid., 1140 (Natan Obed).

[105]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1715 (Gerri Sharpe).

[106]          Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada and Elizabeth Comack, Addressing Gendered Violence against Inuit Women: A review of the police policies and practices in Inuit Nunangat, Ottawa: Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada, 2020, p. 111.

[107]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1610 (Melanie Omeniho, President, Women of the Métis Nation – Les Femmes Michif Otipemisiwak).

[108]          Ibid.

[109]          Ibid.

[110]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1615 (Melanie Omeniho).

[111]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1405 (Chief Ghislain Picard).

[112]          See: Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada: Calls To Action, Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015.

[113]          See: Calls for Justice, National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, 2019.

[114]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1110 (Vice-Chief Terry Teegee).

[115]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1605 (Jeffrey Schiffer, Executive Director, Native Child and Family Services of Toronto).

[116]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1115 (Vice-Chief Terry Teegee).

[117]          Ibid., 1200 (Natan Obed).

[118]          Ibid., 1205.

[119]          Ibid., 1120 (Natan Obed).

[120]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1745 (Gerri Sharpe).

[121]          United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, resolution adopted by the General Assembly, 2 October 2007, A/RES/61/295.

[122]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1200 (Vice-Chief Terry Teegee).

[123]          Ibid., 1110; SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 24 July 2020, 1550 (Chief Dwayne Zacharie); SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 12, 14 August 2020, 1355 (Julian Falconer).

[124]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1110 (Vice-Chief Terry Teegee).

[125]          Public Safety Canada, Policing in Indigenous Communities.

[126]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9 23 July 2020, 1410 (Chief Terry McCaffrey, Chief of Police, Wikwemikong Tribal Police Service, and President, Indigenous Police Chiefs of Ontario).

[127]          Ibid.

[128]          Ibid.; SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1425 (Chief Ghislain Picard).

[129]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 12, 14 August 2020, 1335 (Julian Falconer).

[130]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1610 (Kent Roach). See also: Kimberly Murray et al., Towards Peace, Harmony, and Well-Being: Policing in Indigenous Communities, Ottawa: Council of Canadian Academies, 2019, pp. 91–93.

[131]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1610 (Kent Roach).

[132]          Ibid.; SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1410 (Chief Terry McCaffrey); SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1530 (Allen Benson); SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 12, 14 August 2020, 1335 (Julian Falconer).

[133]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 7, 23 June 2020, 1705 (Hon. Bill Blair, Minister of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness).

[134]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 7, 18 November 2020, 1625 (John Paul, Executive Director, Atlantic Policy Congress of First Nations Chiefs Secretariat).

[135]          Ibid.

[136]          Ibid.

[137]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1415 (Chief Terry McCaffrey).

[138]          See: Grand Chief Alvin Fiddler, Nishnawbe Aski Nation, Submission of Nishnawbe Aski Nation to the Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security, 31 July 2020.

[139]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 12, 14 August 2020, 1335 (Julian Falconer).

[140]          Statistics Canada, “Aboriginal peoples in Canada: Key results from the 2016 Census,” 25 October 2017.

[141]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1640 (Melanie Omeniho).

[142]          Ibid.

[143]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1205 (Vice-Chief Terry Teegee).

[144]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 7, 18 November 2020, 1615 (Christopher Sheppard, Board President, National Association of Friendship Centres).

[145]          Ibid.

[146]          Ibid.

[147]          Ibid.

[148]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 24 July 2020, 1555 (Chief Dwayne Zacharie).

[149]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 7, 18 November 2020, 1735 (Michèle Audette, As an Individual).

[150]          Ibid.

[151]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 24 July 2020, 1415 (Viviane Michel).

[152]          Ibid., 1415–1420; SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1610 (Melanie Omeniho); SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1405 (Chief Ghislain Picard).

[153]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 24 July 2020, 1415–1420 (Viviane Michel).

[155]          Ibid., p. 5.

[156]          Ibid.

[157]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 24 July 2020, 1420 (Viviane Michel).

[158]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 November 2020, 1730 (Mitch Bourbonniere, Community Activist, Ogijiita Pimatiswin Kinamatwin).

[159]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 24 July 2020, 1420 (Viviane Michel).

[160]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1110 (Vice-Chief Terry Teegee); SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1615 (Melanie Omeniho).

[161]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 24 July 2020, 1510 (Myrna Lashley).

[162]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 12, 14 August 2020, 1330 (Lorraine Whitman, President, Native Women’s Association of Canada).

[163]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1610 (Melanie Omeniho).

[164]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 7, 24 June 2020, 1700 (Hon. Bill Blair).

[165]          Ibid., 1835 (Commissioner Brenda Lucki, Commissioner, Royal Canadian Mounted Police).

[166]          Ibid.

[168]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 24 July 2020, 1415–1420 (Viviane Michel).

[169]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1620 (Melanie Omeniho).

[171]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1715 (Gerri Sharpe).

[172]          Ibid.

[173]          Ibid.

[174]          Ibid.

[175]          Ibid.

[176]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1800 (Samantha Michaels, Senior Research and Policy Advisor, Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada).

[177]          Ibid., 1745.

[178]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 7, 23 June 2020, 1900 (Commr. Brenda Lucki).

[179]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 10, 24 July 2020, 1230 (Chief Dale McFee).

[180]          Ibid.

[181]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 12, 14 August 2020, 1230 (Chief Nishan Duraiappah).

[182]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 24 July 2020, 1450 (Myrna Lashley).

[183]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 10, 24 July 2020, 1215–1220 (Chief Peter Sloly, Chief of Police, Ottawa Police Service).

[184]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 24 July 2020, 1515 (Brian Sauvé, President, National Police Federation).

[185]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1510 (Jeffrey Schiffer).

[186]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 24 July 2020, 1520 (Ruth Goba).

[187]          Congress of Aboriginal Peoples, Congress of Aboriginal Peoples: Submission to the Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security, 10 July 2020, p. 6.

[188]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1515 (Jeffrey Schiffer).

[189]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1125 (Aluki Kotierk).

[190]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1415 (Chief Doris Bill).

[191]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1550 (Akwasi Owusu-Bempah).

[192]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1610 (Allen Benson).

[193]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 10, 24 July 2020, 1230 (Tom Stamatakis, President, Canadian Police Association).

[194]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 7 December 2020, 1535 (Patrick Roy, Inspector, Regional Surveillance Division, Service de Police de la Ville de Sherbrooke).

[195]          Ibid.

[196]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 12, 14 August 2020, 1315 (Julian Falconer).

[197]          Ibid., 1255 (Chief Nishan Duraiappah).

[198]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 10, 24 July 2020, 1225 (Tom Stamatakis).

[199]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd, Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1705 (Kanika Samuels‑Wortley).

[200]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1115 (Vice-Chief Terry Teegee); Ibid.,1230 (Benson Cowan).

[201]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1405 (Chief Ghislain Picard).

[202]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1325 (Robert S. Wright, social worker and sociologist, As an Individual).

[204]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1415 (Chief Terry McCaffrey).

[205]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1325 (Robert S. Wright).

[206]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1520 (Akwasi Owusu-Bempah).

[207]          Ibid.

[208]          See: Youth Criminal Justice Act, S.C. 2002, c. 1, ss. 6, 7.

[209]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1705 (Kanika Samuels-Wortley).

[210]          R. v. Le, 2019 SCC 34, para. 76.

[211]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 November 2020, 1705 (Robyn Maynard).

[212]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 24 July 2020, 1555 (Ruth Goba).

[213]          Hon. Justice Michael H. Tulloch, Report of the Independent Street Checks Review, 2018, p. 36

[214]          Ibid., p. 35.

[215]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1255 (Robert S. Wright).

[216]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1705 (Kanika Samuels-Wortley).

[217]          Ibid.

[218]          SECU Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 7, 23 June 2020, 1739 (Hon. Bill Blair).

[219]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 7 December 2020, 1535 (Alain Babineau).

[220]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1255 (Robert S. Wright).

[221]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 12, 14 August 2020, 1325 (Lorraine Whitman).

[222]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1310 (Benson Cowan).

[224]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 12, 14 August 2020, 1300 (Chief Bryan Larkin); Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police, Special Purpose Committee on the Decriminalization of Illicit Drugs, Findings and Recommendations Report: Decriminalization for Simple Possession of Illicit Drugs: Exploring Impacts on Public Safety and Policing, July 2020.

[225]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 12, 14 August 2020, 1300 (Chief Bryan Larkin).

[226]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 November 2020, 1725 (Robyn Maynard).

[227]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1120 (Natan Obed); SECU, Evidence, 1st Session 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1525 (Akwasi Owusu-Bempah); SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1610 (Kent Roach).

[228]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1120 (Natan Obed).

[229]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1525 (Akwasi Owusu-Bempah).

[230]          Ibid.

[231]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 7, 23 June 2020, 1815 (Commr. Brenda Lucki); SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 24 July 2020, 1815 (Brian Sauvé).

[232]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 10, 24 July 2020, 1100 (Christian Leuprecht).

[233]          Criminal Code, R.S.C. 1985, c. C-46, ss. 25, 26, 27, 30, 32.

[234]          Ibid., s. 34.

[235]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1525 (Allen Benson).

[236]          Ibid.

[237]          Ibid.

[238]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1610 (Kent Roach).

[239]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1110 (Vice-Chief Terry Teegee).

[240]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 10, 24 July 2020, 1135 (Michelaine Lahaie).

[242]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1525 (Akwasi Owusu-Bempah).

[243]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 12, 14 August 2020, 1325 (Lorraine Whitman).

[244]          Ibid., 1315 (Julian Falconer).

[245]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1610 (Melanie Omeniho).

[246]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 7, 23 June 2020, 1715 (Commr. Brenda Lucki); SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 7, 23 June 2020, 1745 (Commr. Brenda Lucki).

[247]          Ibid., 1745.

[248]          Ibid.

[249]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1745 (Gerri Sharpe).

[250]          Ibid., 1755 (Kanika Samuels‑Wortley).

[251]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1255 (Hon. Vernon White).

[253]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1615 (Melanie Omeniho).

[254]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1205 (Vice-Chief Terry Teegee).

[255]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1510 (Jeffrey Schiffer).

[256]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1800 (Kanika Samuels‑Wortley).

[257]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session 43rd Parliament, Meeting 7, 23 June 2020, 1815 (Commr. Brenda Lucki).

[258]          Ibid., 1820.

[259]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1120 (Natan Obed) & 1125 (Aluki Kotierk).

[260]          Ibid., 1140 (Natan Obed).

[261]          Ibid., 1120.

[262]          Ibid., 1145 (Aluki Kotierk).

[263]          Ibid., 1200 (Natan Obed).

[264]          Ibid., 1140.

[265]          Ibid., 1315 (Robert S. Wright).

[266]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session 43rd Parliament, Meeting 12, 14 August 2020, 1140 (Lorraine Whitman).

[267]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1435 (Chief Terry McCaffrey).

[268]          Ibid., 1525 (Akwasi Owusu-Bempah).

[269]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session 43rd Parliament, Meeting 10, 24 July 2020, 1105 (Christian Leuprecht); National Security and Intelligence Committee of Parliamentarians, Annual Report, 2019, 30 August 2019.

[270]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 11, 24 July 2020, 1545 (Ruth Goba).

[271]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 7, 18 November 2020, 1740 (Fo Niemi, Executive Director, Centre for Research-Action on Race Relations).

[272]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 10, 24 July 2020, 1215 (Chief Peter Sloly).

[273]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 7, 23 June 2020, 1800 (Hon. Bill Blair).

[274]          Ibid., 1905 (Commr. Brenda Lucki).

[275]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1525 (Akwasi Owusu-Bempah).

[276]          Ibid.

[277]          Ibid.

[278]          Ibid.

[279]          Ibid.

[280]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 10, 24 July 2020, 1100 (Christian Leuprecht).

[281]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1250 (Robert S. Wright).

[282]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 9, 23 July 2020, 1525 (Akwasi Owusu-Bempah).

[283]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 8, 23 July 2020, 1250 (Benson Cowan).

[284]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 10, 24 July 2020, 1125 (Rick Parent).

[285]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 6, 16 November 2020, 1710 (Kanika Samuels‑Wortley).

[286]          SECU, Evidence, 1st Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 12, 14 August 2020, 1210 (Chief Nishan Duraiappah).

[287]          Ibid., 1220 (Chief Bryan Larkin).

[289]          SECU, Minutes of Proceedings, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, 7 December 2020.

[290]          Hon. Michel Bastarache, Broken Dreams Broken Lives: The Devastating Effects of Sexual Harassment on Women in the RCMP, 11 November 2020, p. 48.

[291]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 10, 2 December 2020, 1610 (Hon. Michel Bastarache).

[292]          Hon. Michel Bastarache, Broken Dreams Broken Lives: The Devastating Effects of Sexual Harassment on Women in the RCMP, 11 November 2020, pp. 28-31.

[293]          Ibid., p. 47.

[294]          SECU, Evidence, 2nd Session, 43rd Parliament, Meeting 10, 2 December 2020, 1610 (Hon. Michel Bastarache).

[295]          Ibid., 1620.

[296]          Hon. Michel Bastarache, Broken Dreams Broken Lives: The Devastating Effects of Sexual Harassment on Women in the RCMP, 11 November 2020, p. 1.

[297]          Ibid., p. viii.

[298]          Ibid., p. 54.

[299]          Ibid.

[300]          Ibid., p. 58.

[301]          Ibid., p. 2.