:
Good morning, Mr. Chair. Thank you for your invitation to appear before your committee on the supplementary estimates (B).
[English]
Thank you for your invitation to appear. We are happy to be here to answer questions. We hope we can answer all of your questions.
I have with me David Enns, who is acting assistant secretary of the expenditure management sector at Treasury Board.
My colleague and I are here to respond to questions on supplementary estimates (B), but we are happy to try to answer other questions you may have on the operating budget freeze or other elements with which we can help you.
[Translation]
Each year the Government of Canada prepares main estimates and supplementary estimates as required, in support of its request to Parliament for authority to spend public funds. This request is formalized through the tabling of appropriation bills in Parliament.
[English]
Supplementary estimates seek Parliament's approval for expenditures that were already planned in the budget but for which the necessary approval had not been obtained in time to be included in the main estimates or in supplementary estimates (A), which were approved earlier this fiscal year.
Supplementary estimates seek the funding required by departments and agencies to implement government-approved programs. They are also required to transfer funds approved in the main estimates from one organization to another, within organizations, or from one appropriation to another. In addition, supplementary estimates are used to inform Parliament of changes in the estimated costs of programs that are now authorized by legislation, other than by an appropriations act.
Tabling the main estimates and supplementary estimates to seek Parliament's authority for spending is a critical part of Parliament's oversight of the government spending plans.
The 2010-11 supplementary estimates (B) seek Parliament's authority to spend $4.4 billion this fiscal year for items that were not completely developed or approved in time for inclusion in the main estimates or supplementary estimates (A). These supplementary estimates also reflect a decrease in forecast statutory spending in the amount of $2 billion. Even though you will not be voting on statutory items, we reflect them in the estimates documents for information purposes and to provide a broader context.
[Translation]
The amount sought through supplementary estimates (B) is within the spending level specified in budget 2010. It does not represent an increase to the amounts in budget 2010.
[English]
The amounts do not represent an increase in the amounts provided for in Budget 2010.
This concludes my preliminary remarks. At this time, my colleague and I would be pleased to answer any questions the committee may have on these estimates.
:
That's an interesting question. I'll see if I can address it in part.
We have a good system, I think, within the federal government of requiring departments to show their spending by program, with the objectives intended to be achieved through those programs. We have a policy requiring that of departments. When you look at program activity architecture in our main estimates, or in some of the other documents we provide, and the allocation of resources in departments, you can see that all this follows a structure, a discipline, in which a department has to explain the outcomes it's trying to achieve. Each department has to provide performance measures and evaluate whether it is achieving the objectives it set out to achieve with the money it was given.
With that discipline, you can pick up on some of the duplication that exists horizontally in government. Indeed, there are a lot of programs that look quite similar, but that may be focused on slightly different objectives or stakeholders. Over time, there is a need—and I agree there is always a need—for us to look at ways in which we can avoid duplication and try to work better horizontally.
Strategic reviews get at some of that. They require departments to go all the way through the program activity architecture and justify the programs. Indeed, all the information we developed through the strategic review process can help us look at areas of duplication and perhaps address them in future.
We have some mechanisms in place, but they aren't at the point where we say to a department that such-and-such a program is a duplicate and it must be eliminated.
I don't think those programs would survive for long if they were truly duplicative. Eventually, we will see them and departments will try to streamline them. It's an ongoing challenge.
Let me just say at the outset, Mr. Smith, as I sit here and listen to my colleagues questioning, that I find the whole estimates process incomprehensible. I'm the vice-chair of the government operations and estimates committee, and you could tell us anything. You could sit there and tell us anything, and we could try to write questions that sounded like we understood you, but we really don't.
Voices: Oh, oh!
Mr. Pat Martin: We're at your mercy. I didn't even bring the supplementary estimates with me because they're too heavy for my staff to carry, much less plow through them all.
It's just ridiculous. You come to us saying you're seeking Parliament's authority to spend $4.4 billion. It's really that you're seeking Parliament's “permission”. We're supposed to grant you “permission” to spend that money, to put it in the right context. It's my goal to dumb down the estimates process, and fortunately I'm very qualified to do that, at least.
Let me start with what almost seems like a contradiction in what your testimony is today.
In one paragraph of your report you're seeking Parliament's permission to spend $4.4 billion, but you're also saying that this pile of supplementary estimates is announcing a decrease of statutory spending in the amount of $2 billion. I guess this is why we put in place the Parliamentary Budget Officer, to help ordinary mortals like us wade through an incomprehensible system of estimates.
In that context, let me ask my first question. We ask the Parliamentary Budget Officer to help us at least understand the budgetary freezes, the impact of the departmental freezes. He will testify later, I suppose. But from what I understand, they ask the government how they intend to achieve their planned operating budget freeze over the projected period. But the government indicated that this information is a cabinet confidence and will not be released to the public. We should put it into context first. The Parliamentary Budget Officer is not the public; he is our agent. He's the guy we commissioned for a specific task to help us understand what the hell is going on. It disappoints me that the door is slammed in his face when he asks the very question that we put to him.
In fact, the standing committee has put the very same question to the government, and it's currently being assessed as to whether the government will tell Parliament how they intend to achieve its planned operating budget freeze. Is what you bring us today the manifestation of that request? Or are we still waiting for that request?
:
The very same question was put to government by this parliamentary committee. First of all, the Parliamentary Budget Officer is an extension of Parliament; he is an agent of Parliament, so he's asking on behalf of Parliament. He's not going to have a press conference and release this information necessarily.
I think we've identified a very serious problem again in the estimates process, because government seems to have the right to rack up $58 billion deficits, but we don't have a right to know how we plan to dig ourselves out of this hole, except for some very sketchy information. It's my concern that they will try to balance the books on ideological grounds, that the choices they make.... I mean, it's like 007 for that Minister of Finance. It's like a licence to kill, because he now has a deficit to slay, and he can cut and hack and slash at every program that he disagrees with ideologically. The sketchy information we have now is that the biggest cut, the largest single cut, in this effort to reduce their growth in government spending is the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, by a percentage at least. They're getting 1.3% of their budget cut. It's not frozen for three years; it's reduced.
Then the National Parole Board is the third highest. Statistics Canada, who we know they have no respect for, is feeling the brunt in the top ten reductions.
We're not getting enough information to accurately access the veracity of the plan, the business plan, and what little information does trickle out gives us cause for concern that they're going to be balancing the books again along ideological grounds, Mr. Smith.
I know that's not your fault, and I appreciate all the work that you do, but we're really.... I know I'm supposed to be asking you questions and not going on talking here, but let me understand this. When you say—or when the government says—they're seeking a 5% reduction, that's not really a reduction, is it? That's a reduction in the growth. The growth rate for the five years before the economic action plan was about 6.4% per year. Does that figure sound right, now?
:
Good morning. I appreciate the opportunity to appear before you today in support of the committee’s on-going studies into the Infrastructure Stimulus Fund (ISF) from budget 2009 and the operating budget freeze from budget 2010.
[English]
I would like to make a few brief introductory remarks regarding the approach my office has taken regarding our analysis of the government's estimates. I will then highlight two areas of interest in the supplementary estimates that are currently being considered by Parliament and this committee. Following this, I would be pleased to answer your questions.
As you are aware, analysis and research regarding the estimates are one of the four legislative business lines assigned to the Parliamentary Budget Officer by the Parliament of Canada Act. Consultations with parliamentarians in 2008 yielded a consensus on how I could best support their scrutiny of the estimates.
One, identify votes that warrant scrutiny. Members indicated they wanted my team to analyze the entire estimates and identify votes where they should focus their limited time and resources.
Two, prepare research to support decision-making. Members indicated they needed independent research to challenge the government's estimates and support the decisions regarding appropriations.
Our screening mechanism identifies areas of spending that warrant the scrutiny of Parliament, its materiality and risk. “Materiality” simply means the amount of money sought by the government in the estimates; the larger the amount, the greater the scrutiny that is likely warranted. “Risk” relates to the potential that the government will be unable to achieve the outcomes it plans with the money it is seeking.
With respect to supplementary estimates (B), as part of our analysis of the 2010 supplementary estimates (B), my team has flagged two issues for you that may warrant further scrutiny by Parliament. The first is the additional $722 million sought in vote 60 of Transport Canada for infrastructure programming, representing approximately one-third of the net incremental resources sought through these supplementary estimates. The second is the $181 million of reallocations across 51 departments and agencies relating to the operating budget freeze.
[Translation]
PBO has issued regular reports on one of Infrastructure Canada's programs, the Infrastructure Stimulus Fund (ISF). These reports were part of the PBO's reporting on the implementation of budget 2009 provided to the House of Commons Standing Committee on Finance (FINA). I am pleased to provide the committee with an update of our research regarding this program.
While the government has been diligent in its reporting on progress against obtaining necessary program authorities (inputs), reporting on outputs has been limited to periodic announcements of projects and project values. Project progress reports continue to suggest a large number of projects will not be complete by the March 31, 2011 deadline. The government's own response to an order paper request indicates that 1,054 of the 3,193 ISF projects will not likely be completed by December 31 of this year.
[English]
However, due to the initiative's limited data architecture and data quality, PBO has not been able to provide more detailed analysis, particularly as it relates to output and outcomes. In order to work around the limitations, PBO has attempted to provide Parliament with more robust analysis on program outputs such as project progress and timing of economic activity, as well as program outcomes such as the impact of the program on communities, by using existing government data and by undertaking an independent survey of program recipients to help evaluate the impact of the infrastructure stimulus fund.
PBO obtained expert advice to assist in developing the survey design, undertaking the data collection, and reporting on significant survey findings. The survey took the form of a census in which all eligible organizations were invited to participate. Eligible organizations were largely municipal governments, but they included provincial and territorial governments and other organizations, for example, not-for-profit community groups that received funding under the infrastructure stimulus fund.
Individual respondents were organizational representatives with hands-on knowledge and responsibilities related to the ISF, infrastructure stimulus fund, and funded projects undertaken by the organization.
Field work took place between June 8 and August 3, 2010, which according to the PBO analysis was the period of time that would have seen the greatest amount of construction activity. In total, 644 questionnaires were completed out of a population of 1,129 organizations. This represents a strong response rate of 57%. If this were a random sample survey, the overall results could be considered accurate within 2.02 percentage points, plus or minus, 19 out of 20 times, finite population factor applied. The data were weighted to ensure the results are representative of the distribution of ISF-funded organizations and ISF projects.
The first set of indicators dealt with program administration. Respondents expressed mixed and generally moderate levels of satisfaction with various aspects of ISF administration. There was 65% or higher who were most likely to be satisfied with the process leading from ISF project approval to the construction start date and with the timing of the project approval processes.
A small majority, 53%, expressed satisfaction with the environmental impact approval process for ISF projects, while fewer than half, 42%, were satisfied with the timing of fund transfers for ISF projects from higher-level governments. Dissatisfaction was highest with respect to timing issues: the timing of project approval process, 21%, and the timing of fund transfers from higher levels of government, 18%.
The second set of indicators reflected perceptions of impact of ISF projects in a number of general areas, such as general community welfare, unemployment, earned income, environmental quality, alteration of construction prices, and infrastructure deficit. Overall, respondents had a mixed view of impacts, and there was considerable variation.
The large majority, 87%, think ISF funding has increased the general welfare of their community. Approximately two-thirds, 69%, think it has increased the environmental quality of the community, while over half think it has decreased the infrastructure deficit of their municipality organization and increased earned income in their community.
The results pertaining to perceived unemployment impacts are particularly worthy to note given some of the goals underlying ISF in the context of a stimulus budget. A minority of respondents, 33.3%, said the ISF had a beneficial impact on unemployment. Many also said its unemployment impact was neutral, 43%, or negative, 20% to 21%.
It is worth noting that the structure of the responses tends to suggest the respondents were thoughtful in answering the questions. There was no sense that there was some routinized response pattern tending toward all good or all bad evaluations of ISF.
[Translation]
The next set of indicators had to do with perceptions of systematic technical, as opposed to political, biases in the selection and approval of projects. Were there certain types of projects that were disadvantaged in the selection process? There is a substantial minority of respondents who thought there was some degree of bias in project selection and approval. Sixty-six percent felt that no types of infrastructure projects were systematically disadvantaged by the rules and selection process associated with the ISF, but 27% felt that certain types of projects were disadvantaged. Projects identified as being systematically disadvantaged included projects that require more lead time (26%), water system or wastewater projects (20%).
We then asked respondents to think about a specific project in their community. The specific project that each respondent was asked to focus on was randomly selected and was identified on the first page of his or her questionnaire. The indicators have to do with the number of person years of employment created by a project, average gross pay associated with a person year, the extent to which the project was devoted to purely public infrastructure and the number of months a project was expedited as a result of ISF. Basic analysis showed that these indicators did create jobs at reasonable salaries, mostly in the realm of purely public infrastructure and in notably expedited fashion as a result of ISF. Our background variables did influence these indicators in a number of ways.
Projects located in some jurisdictions are much more likely than others to generate reasonably large numbers of well-paid positions and be considerably expedited compared to what would have been the case in the absence of ISF. In addition, some types of projects were much more likely to create a relatively large number of jobs and/or positions with good reimbursement. Solid waste management projects were particularly ineffective in that regard. Alternatively, public transit was very effective at employment creation, and airport, highway/regional transit and port/cruise ship type projects were particularly effective in producing higher paid employment.
[English]
Considerably more analysis would need to be done to completely unpack the implications of these findings. However, there are at least three possible interpretations of the implications.
First, the infrastructure stimulus funding should be directed more explicitly to some types of projects rather than others, particularly in the context of a stimulus measure with desired employment outcomes.
Second, there are lessons to be learned from some of the jurisdictions that have produced the most effective results of projects from a management and planning capacity perspective.
Third, some organizations or jurisdictions need different rules or greater assistance to effectively participate in an ISF-type program.
Some of the preliminary analysis of detailed verbatim responses by respondents provides moderate support for these possibilities.
:
Following are some considerations for parliamentarians.
First, progress reports continue to suggest that a large number of projects will not be completed by the March 2011 deadline. PBO ISF survey results indicate considerable variation in ISF program and implementation impacts across the country. It is apparent that more precise targeting of projects and recipients could lead to better program outcomes.
Second, there is a significant opportunity for the government to improve reporting on stimulus measures. The ISF program falls under the provision of a transfer payment program to other orders of government. These have different requirements, under Treasury Board policy, than other types of transfers, because they limit the number of mandatory requirements in the contribution agreements. Parliamentarians might want to be more explicit as to what performance information they require.
Third, the government may wish to consider updating the PBO survey at the end of the program to ensure that parliamentarians and Canadians have a better picture of the effectiveness and efficiency of the program, a program that will cost Canadian taxpayers close to $10 billion, all deficit financed.
On the operating budget freeze, the supplementary estimates 2010-11 contain references to 51 reductions in departmental and agency operating budgets attributable to “savings identified as part of the cost containment measures to reduce the rate of growth in operating expenditures announced in Budget 2010”. The operating budget reductions proposed by the government are approximately $181 million in 2010-11, or over 60% of the $300 million target announced in Budget 2010. On average, the cuts represent approximately 0.4% of the affected budgets.
My staff has also prepared a note that enumerates the reductions and provides a list of the 10 largest reductions, as measured by absolute dollars and as a percentage of affected organizations' operating budgets.
Since the government announced these cuts in Budget 2010, I have requested basic information regarding how the cuts will be implemented, but I've been ignored. The committee has asked for similar information and has not yet received a response, or it received a response today. Now the government is seeking parliamentary sanction for those cuts through the supplementary estimates. Given that there are no details regarding how departments and agencies will manage these cuts, this could be an area of risk that warrants further parliamentary scrutiny. Or, as I highlighted in the note, before the committee reports back these supplementary estimates, it may wish to satisfy itself that it knows how each of the 51 organizations is achieving the operating savings, including which positions are being cut and how service levels may be affected.
[Translation]
I would be pleased to answer any questions committee members may have regarding our approach toward supporting parliamentary scrutiny of the estimates, or either of the two areas I have flagged for your attention.
[English]
Thank you. Sorry for going late.
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
It's very disturbing that you first brought up on April 12 of this year the problems you were having getting detailed information from government departments about how they were going to achieve the reductions they were supposed to achieve through the freeze. Of course, on October 5 of this year, my colleague Madame Bourgeois raised a motion trying to assist you, calling on the government to provide you with that information. The motion was passed, and yet you still don't have it.
I want to review some of the departments and the amounts that they are talking about in terms of budget reductions. I think you'll confirm in each case that you don't have the information on how that's going to be achieved.
For Agriculture, we've heard all kinds of concerns from colleagues about the difficulties farmers are having, yet we see a $3 million cut for the Department of Agriculture and Agri-Food.
We see a $14 million cut to the CBC. We have no idea what that means and what the impact of that is going to be.
At a time when we see record waiting times for people to deal with immigration files, whether it's for someone who wants to come to Canada, who wants to bring a relative, perhaps, say, their spouse.... I know people who are waiting for their spouse to come to Canada. In fact I can think of a case in which a women and her daughter are here and they're waiting for the husband, the father, to come from Africa. They have been told by the minister's office, “Don't even talk to us until the application has been in for a year.” Often it takes at least 18 months for those to be processed, and yet we see a cut to that department of $2.5 million, and they aren't able to tell us how they're going to achieve that.
We see the Department of Environment being cut by $3 million. We don't know how that's going to be achieved and what they're actually cutting.
We see the Department of Fisheries and Oceans being cut by $6.5 million. I can tell you, having some experience as a former minister of that department, it's one that was always tight for dollars and usually underfunded, like Immigration. I'd like to know how they're going to accomplish that and what important programs they're going to be cutting as a result.
The Department of Health is being cut by $5 million.
The National Research Council, as if innovation and research weren't important, is being cut by $3 million.
Statistics Canada is being cut by $3.35 million. That's no surprise in view of the government's attitude towards information, towards the long-form census, for example.
It's even more interesting, perhaps, that the Department of National Defence is facing a cut of $80 million, and we have no idea how they're going to achieve that.
We see the Canada Border Services Agency being cut by $9 million, and we have no information on how they're going to do that.
We have CSIS. This is a government that talks about how great it is on security issues, and here they are cutting Defence by $80 million, Border Services--I'm sure that would be a concern to the Americans--by $9 million, CSIS by $5 million, and Corrections by $5 million. You've already raised the concern that the things they're doing and the bills they're passing are going to increase the cost of corrections, and yet they're projecting that they're going to save $5 million and can't say how. And of course $3.6 million is being cut from the RCMP.
What comments do you have on that, Mr. Page?
Mr. Page, gentlemen, good morning and thank you for joining us again today.
Before I ask you some questions, just like my colleagues, I want to deplore the fact that, following the motion I presented last September, you were not given the basic information on how the reductions will be made. You even said it yourself.
Not only do I deplore it, Mr. Chair, but I find it appalling, as well. I feel that the taxpayers of Canada and Quebec are entitled to answers to their questions. They elect MPs who, to the best of their abilities, try to get answers about how their money is being managed. Unfortunately, neither the MPs nor the parliamentary budget officer, who the House has given powers to, can get answers.
This morning, Mr. Chair, you shared with us the response of the Treasury Board president to my motion, and perhaps to some of Ms. Coady's questions as well. At the time, she had made observations and presented motions.
We are a laughing stock. Listen up: we read that people are busy working on responding to our request, but really it has been two months since the question was asked. We've also been told that the information requested pertains to confidential Cabinet documents. Can you tell me what's so confidential? These people manage our money and we can't even get answers because it's confidential? Let's wake up! We let this government manage confidential documents, but it's our money. These people are paid for that with our money.
Then we read that the Treasury Board Secretariat does not have the information centralized, but the Treasury Board Secretariat gives the order to make budget cuts. They are laughing at everyone.
I wanted to bring this to the attention of my colleagues. I think I've managed to do that.
Mr. Page, I have a question for you about the Correctional Service of Canada. Of the 10 largest budget cuts, the Correctional Service of Canada must reduce their budget by $4.8 million. But we know that they will be increasing their staff by more than 4,000 full-time employees.
Can you tell me how they plan to reduce their budget by $4.8 million when they are increasing the number of people working for them? Can you give me an idea of how they will manage this?
Let me begin, Mr. Page, by expressing my profound and continued disappointment at the lack of cooperation you seem to be getting in making inquiries on our behalf and on behalf of Canadians. It disturbs me profoundly that you say in your testimony that your repeated requests for basic information have been ignored--not only turned down but ignored. It speaks to a lack of respect for the office that was established, again an office that we had great hope, optimism, and confidence in when it was created and established.
The public has a right to know these things. And if not the public, if they can make an argument why some of this information shouldn't be openly public, then surely the Parliament of Canada has a right to know what the executive branch is doing or, in the context of estimates, plans to do. We shouldn't have to wait for the public accounts process to analyze and assess the veracity or the wisdom of the spending decisions made.
By the estimates process, we're supposed to have a right to assess whether the risk is worth it, and I'm glad you made reference to the fact that one of the specific things we've asked you to assess in this whole massive process is a risk analysis.
Let me ask you some specific questions, sir, in the context of the operating budget freeze. I suppose my first question is, where are we going to find the information that's being denied to you? If that information is not made available to us, why should we approve the supplementary estimates (B) in the absence of the information that we need to make an informed choice?
:
That sounds like the bare minimum of information that we would have to have to approve what is essentially the business plan of the government to get us out of a very serious deficit situation. I'm trying to stay calm here and not express my anger over the frustration that we're having, but that's the bare minimum that MPs should have.
Somebody has to remind the Harper government that they exist at the pleasure of Parliament. They are allowed to govern at our pleasure. At this point in time, there are a lot of MPs on this side who are not pleased at all with the lack of cooperation. We do have a way around this, I fully agree. We should not approve these particular supplementary (B) estimates, which would be my recommendation. If that means going to the polls, then so be it.
Let me tell you, Mr. Page, you made reference in a November document, and it was a very helpful document, in fact--it was your assessment at the time of the operating budget freeze. You said at the time:
...the Government indicated that this information is a Cabinet confidence and will not be released to the public. A similar request was recently made by the House of Commons Standing Committee on Government Operations and is currently being assessed....
Today we got the answer from the President of the Treasury Board. From October 5 to December 1, this is stamped, and he finally explains that none of these questions, in fact, will be answered for fairly detailed reasons. Questions like the impact on expenditure freezes, on program service, the cost categories of each of the major programs intended to be subject to the freeze, the current baseline of all major programs, the 12 standard objects of expenditure, using the public account.... Very, very detailed questions were put to them eight weeks ago to give us that basic information, and the answer we get now is, no, they are not going to give a parliamentary committee this basic information about how they plan to balance the books.
We can't work this way. Essentially, we're being denied the basic tools that we need to do our job. I don't think there's anything more I can say about that.
I will use the minutes I have left maybe to talk about the very impressive study you've done on the efficacy of the stimulus fund, etc. I appreciate that very much, but it concerns me that even by this report—which may in fact have a bias in it, as my colleague asked, because I would suggest that some of the beneficiaries of the stimulus money may be reluctant to complain about the administration of it for fear of reprisals for future funding opportunities, etc.
Having said that, though, it does concern me that 1,054, I believe, of the projects may not be completed in time, and that we still have no concrete measurement about the job creation benefits, except that you point out that some of the types of projects that they fast-tracked are the least likely to yield meaningful $50,000-a-year types of jobs. Can you expand on that any further?
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
Since Mr. Calandra doesn't think you should be commenting on what he has to say, I think I will for a moment.
It seems to me that all of us owe to our electors, whether they voted for us or not, a certain degree of respect. That respect includes that we as parliamentarians ought to do our jobs of holding government to account, and, particularly when the government will not provide us with the basic information required for us to assess what they're claiming in terms of their spending plans, I don't see how we can do that.
I'm appalled, Mr. Chairman, that Mr. Calandra, for example, suggests that his electors would accept the idea that the Parliamentary Budget Officer, acting on behalf of parliamentarians, can't get any information from the government, and that we as parliamentarians—all of us—would be voting on these things in spite of the fact that government will disclose no details.
Let me ask a few questions.
Mr. Page, do you have any idea what departments have done to achieve the savings they're projecting, if anything?
In your report this morning you talked about the infrastructure program and you said that a large number of projects will not be complete by the March 31, 2011, dateline, and that, from a response to an order paper question, 1,054 out of the 3,193 infrastructure projects will not likely be completed by December of this year, meaning that by the March deadline we may have upwards of, say, 1,000 projects not yet complete.
As you know, the Minister of Finance, Mr. Flaherty, has said that the deadline will not be extended. The minister responsible for infrastructure has given some indication that maybe they'll be a little soft on the deadline; they're in discussions.
Under these estimates, the Office of Infrastructure of Canada is seeking funding of $184.2 million for the municipal rural infrastructure fund and $166.5 million for the Building Canada fund; yet the Infrastructure Canada performance report says that the government failed to deliver 75% of the action plan money.
With that money still on the table, why are they asking for more money? Perhaps you can comment on the additional request, since you've done some review of it, as well as on the concern about the March 31 deadline.
Thank you.