:
Thank you, Mr. Chair and members of the committee, for inviting me to appear before you once again.
As chief of the defence staff, I'm responsible for providing military advice to the Government of Canada, but I also have the privilege to engage parliamentary committees, such as yours, to discuss issues of importance to the defence of Canada. I'd like to personally thank you for all the work that you do.
I take my responsibility seriously, as do you. Today I will provide you with a short update on some of our operations, following which I will be happy to answer any questions that you have.
[Translation]
I'll begin today with a brief overview of my primary responsibility: the defence of Canada.
Our international operations tend to draw the most public attention. But while more than 1,500 Canadian military members are deployed internationally, tens of thousands work every day here at home, along all three coasts, and across the breadth of our country.
This assistance takes many forms. One of the most important is our involvement with the national search and rescue program. The Canadian Armed Forces operate three Joint Rescue Coordination Centres in Victoria, Trenton, and Halifax, and provide military assets to more than a thousand incidents each year.
[English]
These efforts are particularly important on our east and west coasts, where our citizens live and work with the dangers of wind and tide. Every day, air crews at Gander, Greenwood, Trenton, Winnipeg, and Comox stand ready to assist Canadians in distress, as do our search and rescue technicians. Each one is ready to leap into harm's way at a moment's notice, and each day they honour their motto, “That Others May Live”.
We also have other standing missions inside our borders. Consider Operation PALACI as one example. Every year we deploy teams to the critical Rogers Pass in British Columbia, just three hours' drive from Kelowna. There, our gunners use artillery pieces to prevent snow build-up in the surrounding mountains, reducing the risk of a major avalanche that could block the pass. With more than 4,000 vehicles and 40 trains passing through Rogers Pass every day of the winter, this modest effort helps save lives and protects the vital flow of commercial goods between British Columbia and the rest of Canada.
[Translation]
I'm sure members of this committee will also be able to recall specific natural disasters to which the Canadian Armed Forces have been called to assist, such as floods in Manitoba, the effects of Hurricane Igor in Newfoundland, the evacuation of northern communities or the wildfires around Fort McMurray.
[English]
I would be remiss if I did not single out for special mention our reservists who are not only the face of the military in their communities—very often so—and ready to provide support in crisis, but also form an increasingly important part of operations and training in Canada.
There are many other efforts, most notably, our involvement in NORAD, seeing to our air and maritime security and surveillance, and our annual northern operations, which also contribute directly to the defence of Canada.
Moving to the international stage, we continue to support Iraqis as they fight to liberate their country from the scourge that is Daesh.
First, our special operators continue their mission to train, advise, and assist. In the early stages, this mission was principally focused on training. As peshmerga forces have closed with the dangerous and determined enemy, the advise and assist roles have become more prominent and are more critical.
Yes, our troops are working with the peshmerga as they move forward. They must, in order to do their job. But the peshmerga and the other Iraqi security forces are the ones doing the fighting.
We advise them on plans and tactics. We assist them if they are unable to defend themselves alone against the threat. We provide them with the same support we provide to other coalition partners, including our enhanced intelligence capability that continues to support the coalition.
Medical personnel have also been deployed to a role 2 medical unit in the region. The ministerial liaison team is working within the Government of Iraq, with a Canadian general officer leading, looking ahead to the future while also helping to insure Mosul is liberated.
I expect the coming months will be crucial. Iraqi military successes will need to be reinforced and solidified with political, economic, and diplomatic ones.
Finally, Mr. Chair, I will address the issue of peace support operations. While I cannot discuss the specifics at this time, I will provide an outline of the principles I consider as I approach this question.
The first is how these operations fit into our overall framework, in terms of conflict prevention, conflict management, conflict termination, and harm reduction. Can peace support operations produce desirable outcomes in this framework? If they are well managed, well planned, and supported, then yes, they can. They can help prevent conflicts from breaking out, or from worsening. They can help reduce harm to civilian populations.
[Translation]
Second, can we help achieve these outcomes? Yes, we can.
As a top-tier military, we can help improve the skills of both UN and local forces. We can help them be more effective and professional. This capacity-building will help these countries achieve lasting stability. We must help them achieve their own security. And finally, can we mitigate risks to our people and to civilians? Yes, we can.
We have learned lessons over several decades of UN missions. Beyond simply placing forces into a particular mission, we must retain some control over them. We must ensure they are able to act, and to protect themselves. And we must consider all aspects of a mission, including the different threats faced by sub-sections of the population, such as women, children, or fighting-age males—and plan how to address those.
These are the broad principles I must consider as Chief of Defence Staff. And I will be happy to expand upon these principles with you today.
[English]
Mr. Chair, committee members, I have not yet had the chance to mention Operation Unifier, or our reassurance efforts with NATO. I believe I could probably fill all of your time today with details on our current operations, but I would like to leave you with one last point, and in many ways it is my most important one.
We will only succeed on operations if we succeed in looking after our people, if we build a culture where each and every member of the Canadian Armed Forces is treated with respect and dignity as they train to that high-skill level that we expect of them, one that allows them to serve their country to the full measure of their ability.
Whether it's eliminating harmful sexual behaviour through Operation Honour, or making sure that military families are looked after while their loved ones are away, there is both a moral and operational imperative driving these activities, which is why looking after the people I have the privilege to command is, and always will be, my top priority.
Mr. Chair, I am grateful for the opportunity to testify before you and the committee today. Merci. I will be very happy to take your questions.
:
The difference is that the first mission—“train, advise, and assist”—is the mission that we are on. That's the scope of the mission that we've undertaken. The use of the term “accompany” is used by some nations, including Canada, to describe the difference between providing assistance—providing support in planning, providing support in such things as medical evacuation, provision of intelligence, provision of expertise in planning and control of forces—and the accompany function, where you're actually fighting with them. “Accompany” is used to describe that you are actually with them in the fight on the front line in combat.
By illustration, when we were in Afghanistan and we were doing the operational mentoring and liaison teams, that was very clearly an accompany mission. When the Afghan National Security Forces were involved in combat, not only did we mentor them in combat, but we were fighting with them shoulder to shoulder at the most pointy end of what they did.
In our mission, we are not doing that. In our mission, we restrict ourselves to the training—which I said has a predominance in the beginning—advising and assisting commanders, principally at the battalion level, on what to think about, how to contemplate the operations they're doing, and while they're fighting, to help them maintain situational awareness of where they are in relation to flanking forces, how to support them in terms of how they can call for fire, how they manage themselves better in conflict. We are not accompanying them, by virtue of that definition.
Where the assist function comes in, there's a number of different ways that we assist. One is through supporting them in their medical evacuation. Another is to help commanders maintain control of their forces, to help them keep an eye on things. Their forces aren't as well trained as we are. No matter how much training we do, there is still an element of assist that we can provide them in operations.
Another element of assist that I think is germane—and what's certainly caught people's attention—is when and under what conditions we would shoot, we would fire. It is for defensive purposes. Whether we are static and in a defensive posture or whether we are moving into an assault or an offensive operation, we have a mandate to not only protect ourselves—the right of self-defence is inherent with every soldier—but we also have the rules of engagement that allow us, in the event that there is an attack or something approaching our forces that would overwhelm us and therefore we are defenceless or approaching a point of defencelessness, to engage.
:
I do, and in fact, thank you for the question because I always look for opportunities to talk about and support the families.
I have spoken with lots of people about this, and there are some who think a review automatically means that there's going to be some sort of alteration that would maybe privilege the chain of command over the family management.
I'm actually in the completely opposite space. I think what we need to do is continue to put MFRCs, correctly resourced and correctly supported, firmly in the hands of families, firmly in the hands of those who are either volunteers or paid employees, in such a way as to be responsive to family demands, which are asymmetric across the country. Each MFRC has a great deal of independence in terms of how they deal with their community. At the same time, they have a close and important relationship with the base that they support.
The review is locked because I wanted it locked to make certain that we're doing right by the MFRCs in every respect. It's certainly not to remove power from families. At the same time, the chain of command has to be appropriately engaged to make certain that they are adequately resourced and that they don't become a residual to other things. As we contemplate the future of MFRCs and how they might support the broader military community including veterans, we have to make certain that they are equipped and prepared for them as well.
You asked about Operation Honour. To be able to interject additional programming, or where we ask that MFRCs have mandatory programming available, there has to be some sort of connectivity and some sort of responsiveness by those MFRCs to be able to do so. To do that, they have to be funded, trained, and equipped accordingly. They also have to be in appropriate accommodations. So there is a close connection with the chain of command to make certain that we understand where it is that any MFRC would want to go. They are not independent. They are part of our family, and so we're going to take care of them, and that's why the review is occurring.
:
The way I would describe this to you is that it's not just a Canadian Forces effort—it's a Canadian effort. In the recent past, it's become more germane and acknowledged that a comprehensive approach is required if a more thorough and enduring stabilization is to arise as a result of military activity.
I believe, and I have said this many times, that the military can play a part, a good and useful part, in helping to set conditions for the re-establishment of norms in a country that has failed or is failing. It can help set sufficient stability conditions for government to consider in respect of the access of government to get to its people, providing sufficient stability for infrastructure to be addressed, or for getting the economy going again.
I think it is also true today that you would be hard-pressed to find any chief of the defence staff amongst our allies who does not recognize the value and the importance of a comprehensive approach. In fact, it's NATO doctrine, and it's Canadian doctrine. I think we all recognize that it is useful to consider operations in the full spectrum of both time and energy, not just the military piece.
I will end on this point. If there is a desire, it has to be expressed by the government of the day, with the resources that are available, with a view to the likelihood of success and the reasonableness of entering into operations, where you would try to put together a comprehensive approach. Some operations are best left strictly to setting a quick military condition and leaving, in cases where it's a clear and present danger that needs to be dealt with. It's a national decision, not a military decision, to go into what would be considered a stabilization phase.
I would say that Canada doesn't do this alone. It's not whether Canada is in or out. There are many other international organizations, NGOs, the United Nations, and others that attempt to participate in the resurrection of failed or failing states, with or without military intervention by the international community.
:
Good afternoon, General Vance. I want to welcome you here today.
Let me go back to Operation IMPACT.
Right now, there are a lot of discussions about our intervention in Iraq. There is a lot of wordsmithing on this issue. At the beginning of the meeting, my colleague asked a question about the specific work that is being done there.
If we go back to the original idea behind Operation IMPACT and its initial mandate, overall, there were the F-18 fighters bombing targets and our special forces that really had an advise-and-assist role. That was quite clear. There was no ambiguity. Afterwards, at the new government's request, the F-18s were pulled out so that our Canadian Forces no longer had a combat mission. So the goal was to maintain one force on the ground to train the peshmerga of the Iraqi army.
Before going any further, let me point out that I fully understand the secret nature of the work the special forces do. I don't want to know where our troops are. I don't want to know where they are on the ground since I don't want to undermine their safety. However, we are now at another stage. The special forces are used to travelling in very secret conditions, and I respect that. However, we are now part of an international coalition. We are now conducting an offensive on Mosul. Everyone knows about the offensive. The international press knows what we are doing. There is no secret about that right now.
I would like confirmation from you. You said that our forces on the ground continue to provide advice, assistance and training, but they don't have an accompanying role. I think there is a lot of wordsmithing going on, because it has been confirmed that the Canadian troops were in contact with ISIS fighters and attacked them directly. They are not just there to defend the Iraqi forces or the peshmerga. They have really attacked targets on the ground. Those events did happen, so it's not a secret.
Are you able to confirm that the Canadian troops on the ground have taken offensive action against the enemy, instead of simply ensuring security and protection?
:
Thank you for the question. I will answer it in English.
[English]
I can confirm to you unequivocally that the use of force by our soldiers on this operation—armed force, lethal force—has only been used in a defensive mode to ensure that our partners were not subject to an attack that they couldn't deal with.
The only part of the assist function that I think may hold some confusion for others is that as we assist—help—a battalion commander or a divisional commander marshal their forces effectively to get them into the right spot by day or by night, to make certain that they are going in the right direction, with the right battle plans, and with the right fire support in place, and to put all of that together so they are most effective, that is where we are with that commander as they are moving forward, but his forces are well ahead and doing the fighting.
If you're suggesting that our forces have been manoeuvring so as to provide offensive fire, thereby taking the fight to the enemy, then you are wrong. We have responded with fire only to provocation by Daesh, where, either by surprise or by the intensity of the force that they would bring to bear, like a vehicle-borne IED that could not be stopped by any other means, we've dealt with it. I need to be as unequivocal on that as possible.
Yes, sir, there's all sorts of speculation about this, and there's all sorts of wordsmithing going on all over the place. The fact is that we have a very firm mandate, and that mandate is being very carefully and properly commanded by people I trust in the field, who are responding effectively and appropriately to the orders, my orders, and the intent of this government.
I can't make it any clearer than that.
:
Thank you for the question.
I will answer the question in English because it's a somewhat sensitive matter.
[English]
It is entirely the decision of the Government of Canada, taking all factors into account, to decide how much it spends on defence. I think, though, that it would be premature at this point in time to make any conclusions about where the U.S. will be in the days and months ahead. I think there's still some ground to go.
Canada has a proud history of deploying and supporting NATO at the budget level that we're at. We are unequivocally valued as a partner, and I think we will continue to be so.
I think there is sometimes an overreliance on a strictly numeric figure. I'm not saying for a minute that I wouldn't support increasing defence funding. Every chief of the defence staff would, of course, but to take a figure and somehow parlay that into the only metric that you use to determine your worth in an alliance, I think, is shallow and false.
There is a great deal of difference between nations as to what they include and what they do not include in their percentage figures. There's a great deal of difference between nations as to how much they contribute when called by NATO to do something extra. There are lots of nations that are spending 2% of their GDP on defence but are not doing the same level of effort that Canada is. There are lots of nations, I think, that are at or approaching 2% GDP that are not part of the enhanced forward presence, for example, but Canada is. In fact, we're not only doing it, we're the leadership of one of them.
I would just caution, from a military perspective, that the metric is not the only metric that can be used and if it is, then it can provide a very skewed and perhaps incorrect view of the value of a country in an alliance.
:
That's a great question. I've answered this for the Senate committee as well.
I never relinquish national command of our troops. In so doing I will put in place the command and control capacity and the leadership to ensure I can exercise that command. That command allows us to take actions, extraordinary or otherwise, to ensure the safety and effectiveness of our troops in operations.
I think perhaps in the translation, some might have come out as perhaps an inappropriate way of describing it. It is true that the forces there will respond to UN tasks to do things, which is perfectly legitimate, and this is on any sort of generic operation. You allow your forces to be tasked by a chain of command, but at all times you understand what those taskings are. We can assure ourselves that those taskings are valid and legitimate, and will aid the mission overall.
As for our ability to protect ourselves, we've learned a lot since Rwanda, and I will make certain that the troops have the rules of engagement they need to be able to defend themselves and those they work with. They'll have the rules of engagement they need in a chapter VII operation—if it is a chapter VII operation—to be able to effectively contribute to that mission to the extent that we decide, as a country, to contribute.
We will take steps that have been learned in the last 15 years about how to best manage operations, be it from a medical service support or theatre management level. This we will do on any deployed force, and we do that now.
:
Thank you for your question, and thank you for your sons' service.
The question of why, or whether, to launch a senior staff assistance visit to RMC was one that I brought to the minister, We discussed it, and we moved ahead on it. I ordered it because there were a sufficient number of irregularities that happened in a relatively small student population. As a commander...and this is a premium institution for education and training, and it is the principal avenue by which we turn highly motivated young Canadians into great officers in the armed forces. We don't want anything to go wrong there.
Perhaps I was over-sensitive to that fact, given my concern with how we treat people, with Operation Honour, and with concerns about suicide, mental health, and the excellence of our institution. When I saw enough irregularities, I decided that we needed to act. I brought that to the minister. He absolutely concurred, and here we are.
I don't believe that at this juncture we're going to find anything really dramatic. I need to make certain that the Royal Military College continues to be a good unit in the Canadian Armed Forces, as it has been, and that the environment is appropriate for turning out young Canadians into officers. It's an institution that does a lot of things, but it does them all together to turn out educated young men and women as officers in the Canadian Armed Forces. We can't lose sight of that. It's not just a university. It's not just a unit. It does a lot of things. I had to make certain that it's working.
We had a recent spate of suicides, which will undergo their own investigations with boards of inquiry, and as we find those details out, those details will come to me, and I will put it all together in a mosaic of what we will discover about the Royal Military College. Like any institution in the armed forces, I want it to be superb in every respect. This particular staff assistance visit is to help us find out why there may be some challenges there, if there are.
I don't have anything. They haven't reported back to me. I'm not seeking any interim reports to say something that we would have to act on quickly to preserve the institution as we think it needs to be. I think this will be longer term, and probably in the range of effective investment and effective selection of leadership at all levels. It needs reaffirmation of its purpose to make certain that it remains an institution of excellence on the university scene in Canada, but also as a unit in the armed forces.