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I call the meeting to order.
Welcome to meeting number 54 of the Standing Committee on Science and Research.
Today’s meeting is taking place in a hybrid format, pursuant to the Standing Orders. Members are attending in person in the room and remotely by using the Zoom application.
I would like to take a few minutes for comments for the members and witnesses.
Please wait until I recognize you by name before speaking. For those participating by video conference, click on the microphone. On interpretation, again, Mr. Cannings, you're very familiar with that. You can choose floor, English or French.
Although this room is equipped with a powerful audio system, feedback events can occur and have occurred. They can be very harmful for the interpreters and can cause serious injuries. Please keep your earpiece away from the microphone so that we don't cause those events.
In accordance with the committee’s routine motion concerning connection tests for witnesses, we have had our test done for Mr. Cannings. We also have a witness in the second hour who will be joining us via video.
I will remind you that all comments should be addressed through the chair.
Pursuant to Standing Order 108(3)(i) and the motion adopted by the committee on Tuesday, June 6, 2023, the committee commences its study of the use of federal government research and development grants, funds and contributions by Canadian universities and research institutions in partnerships with entities connected to the People’s Republic of China.
It's my pleasure to welcome our witnesses for today.
First of all, as an individual, we have with us Margaret McCuaig-Johnston, senior fellow, Graduate School of Public and International Affairs, Institute of Science, Society and Policy, University of Ottawa. We also have with us Anna Puglisi, senior fellow, Center for Security and Emerging Technology, Georgetown University.
You will each have five minutes for your opening remarks, after which we will proceed to rounds of questions.
We will start off with Margaret McCuaig-Johnston, please, for five minutes.
Thank you to the committee for the opportunity to speak about issues of scientific collaboration with China.
I was fortunate to work in government for 37 years, primarily in science and technology policies, programs and funding, but my master's is focused on China. I speak some Mandarin and over the years I was often the official who engaged with China on R and D collaborations, including seven years on the Canada-China joint committee on S and T. In addition, for five years, I was the ADM responsible for the energy labs at NRCan, and for four years I was the executive vice-president of NSERC, so I can address both government and university R and D with China.
For more than 10 years since my retirement, I've been writing about China's innovation system. When I began seeing issues of concern about nine years ago, I started giving briefings to my former colleagues in government to raise their awareness of the risks.
My prime concern has been China's policy for the integration of military and civilian technology development. It became a top priority of the Chinese government starting in 2014, and Xi himself chairs the national commission for military-civilian development. The risk for Canada is that our university scientists could be partnering with civilian scientists or engineers at any university in China and not be aware that their research is going out the back door to the PLA. As I've said many times, the PLA are not our friends.
I'm pleased to see that the committee recognizes this issue by highlighting five specific fields of research, which are all priorities for the PLA, and also by stipulating that there are other fields that are potentially problematic. The Australian Strategic Policy Institute, or ASPI, has developed a list of these, and I would add to it space science, polar research and genomics. Canada should not be partnering with China in any of these.
The second issue is the direct presence of Chinese military scientists and engineers in our universities and partnerships. ISED has been working on guidance since their February 14 announcement. ASPI has compiled a Chinese defence universities tracker of military universities and labs. That list should be given to all Canadian university and government labs, advising them not to partner with people from any of those institutions, with due diligence applied for others, too, as Chinese scientists have sometimes listed a different institution to obscure where they are really from. The provinces need to be part of this process.
A third issue is Canadian researchers partnering with Chinese military and surveillance technology companies like SenseTime, Tencent, Alibaba, iFlytek and Huawei, which work with the military and which also design and sell equipment to repress the Uyghurs and others. They should be added to the list I mentioned. We know how MPs feel about the Uyghur genocide. Canadian researchers should share those concerns.
That brings me to the issue of academic freedom. I completely get that researchers want to be able to partner with whomever they want. I would just remind them of the ethical lens that they should be applying as a human being with Canadian values. Surely if they had a Uyghur or someone from Taiwan sitting in front of them, they would be ashamed to talk about how they helped with Uyghur repression and with weapons to attack Taiwan, and there is also a reputational risk for their university with such research.
The Government of Canada has realized the gravity of the issues I've raised and has taken numerous steps to address them, including briefings of university administrators and researchers, user-friendly guidelines to protect our research, the national security screening of proposals to the granting councils and the proviso that the government will not fund research with PLA-associated organizations.
The Business Council of Canada's recent recommendations are also important. There is more that can be done, especially to align our approach with our allies in the Five Eyes.
I'll stop there. Thank you.
Distinguished members of the committee and staff, thank you for the opportunity to participate in today's hearing. It's an honour to be here alongside my esteemed colleague.
I am currently a senior fellow at the Center for Security and Emerging Technology at Georgetown University. I previously served as a U.S. national counter-intelligence officer for East Asia and have spent most of my career looking at China's S and T development and tech acquisition strategies.
At the committee’s request, my testimony today will focus on S and T collaboration with China. I'll provide a brief overview of China's S and T system, highlight how China's policies and programs challenge the global norms of science and finally discuss research security.
Lastly, I'll offer some lessons learned and put the bluff up front.
This is not just a Canadian or U.S. problem but one of open democracies, because China's system is not the same as ours. It takes a holistic approach to the development of technology and it blurs the lines between public, private, civilian and military. Our policies and mitigation strategies need to reflect that reality.
Regardless of their personal views, Chinese scientists, business people and officials interacting with our universities or companies have to respond to the PRC's government or security services if they are asked for information or data.
China intimidates and harshly silences its critics. This has only grown more prevalent in the past few years, and it increasingly includes its citizens abroad, both in Canada and the U.S.
Our institutions are not designed to counter the threat to academic freedom and the manipulation of public opinion that China's policies and actions pose. Beijing in many ways understands our societal tensions, and its statecraft is directed at them, promoting any changes in policy as ethnic profiling. This is a well-funded effort.
It's because of this last point that I do want to acknowledge how difficult and challenging these issues can be. There's no room for xenophobia or ethnic profiling in open liberal democracies. It goes against everything we stand for. Also, precisely because of these values, we must move forward and find a principled way to mitigate the policies of a nation-state that's ever more authoritarian.
The importance of science and technology is why China targets our universities and our labs. Emerging technologies are increasingly at the centre of global competition, providing the foundational research and developments that underpin future industries and drive economic growth. Future strength will be built on 5G, AI, biotech, new materials, quantum and areas currently researched at our universities, government labs and R and D centres.
Beijing views this technology and the robust S and T infrastructure needed to develop it as a national asset. The way it's structured its system to reach this goal is inherently at odds with the key assumptions of the global norms, which include transparency, reciprocity and sharing. Beijing, especially Xi, looks at this development in a very zero-sum way. My written testimony goes into many more details on the policies, programs and infrastructure that support these efforts.
China’s legal system also complicates collaborations, because its laws compel its citizens to share information and data with Chinese entities if asked, regardless of the restrictions placed on that information. More importantly, who owns that information? I have also provided these points in my written testimony.
Moving forward, we need to consider the following.
We need policies for the China we have and not the China we want. Most policy measures to date have been tactical and not designed to counter an entire system that's structurally different from our own.
It's essential that open liberal democracies such as Canada and the U.S. invest in the future, but we must build research security into these funding programs. Existing policies and laws are insufficient to address the level of influence the Chinese Communist Party exerts in our society, especially in academia. Increased reporting requirements for foreign money at our academic and research institutes and clear reporting requirements are a good start.
We also have to ensure true reciprocity in our collaborations. For too long, we've looked the other way when China doesn't play by the rules and follow through on the details of these S and T collaborations. There have to be repercussions for not sharing data, providing access to facilities and, as my colleague mentioned, obfuscating the true affiliation of Chinese scientists.
In conclusion, what will also make this difficult is that the reality China is presenting is inconvenient to those benefiting in the short term. This includes companies looking for short-term profits, academics who benefit personally from funding or cheap labour in their labs and the many former government officials who cash in as lobbyists for state-owned or state-supported companies in China.
I want to thank the committee again for continuing to discuss this issue.
These are hard conversations that open, democratic societies must have if we are to protect and promote our competitiveness, our future developments and our values. If we do not highlight and address China's policies that violate global norms and our values, we give credence to a system that undermines fairness, openness and human rights. The Chinese people deserve better, and I think that Canadian and American people deserve better. Our future depends on it.
Thank you.
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Thank you very much. We look forward to your written brief that's in translation services and will be distributed once that has been done. It'll be put up on our website as well.
Before we get going with the questions from MPs, I would like to welcome MP David Lametti. It's great to have you as part of this committee.
Also, Helena Jaczek, it's great to have you as well. We look forward to your experience as part of our discussions.
Welcome also to Anju Dhillon, who is subbing for today. It's great to have you.
Now we will start our six-minute round of questioning, with the first spot going to Gerald Soroka for the Conservatives.
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I have been concerned that it should move faster, but I know that within the government and across the government, officials were trying to understand exactly what was going on and then what levers they had available to affect it.
One of the concerns, of course, is that at the federal level, federal funding for R and D is the lever, so how would they go about that?
It has been a step-by-step process. They started with briefings of administrators and then developed guidelines, very user-friendly guidelines. I was impressed by them. Now they have gone all the way to national security screenings for proposals that come before the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council. Two-thirds of those have already been sent back and been told that, no, that's a risk for national security. That's alarming, because it means that for all those previous years there was a high proportion of proposals that were a risk for national security.
I'm really pleased that the government is now moving ahead and looking at what else it can do. I'm very much looking forward to this committee's report, because I think it will add to the body of work on what more can be done.
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The member has put it very well herself in terms of how the governments can work together.
My first eight years in government were in the Ontario government, primarily in federal-provincial relations. I would like to see the provinces at the table every step of the way and being part of the decision-making in terms of what's communicated to universities.
Beyond the provisos that are stipulated around the spending of federal research dollars, virtually everything else is provincial, so it's going to be important that the provinces relay lists and relay directions to universities in terms of which companies not to partner with, for example, and give additional help to university researchers.
All through this, the provinces have been inclined to say that this is national security and that national security is not their business—that's the federal government's business—but the federal government has their act together, is getting their act together now, and can help the provinces convey the message to their universities.
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Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
First of all, I would like to say hello to our colleagues who are joining us. I find it interesting that the government wants to add new members to this important committee. We've been waiting for six months for the to come. All the members of the committee agreed to invite him to come and testify and explain the decisions on his budget. Instead of having the minister here, we now have former ministers here. We are making progress, it should be noted.
I want to get back to concrete things and our study today.
Ms. McCuaig-Johnston, congratulations and thank you for your commitment over the past 37 years. That's something. You have expertise in this area, and we are pleased that you are with us today.
At the last committee meeting, last Wednesday, I quoted you when I talked about the approaches to take in cases of scientific collaboration. You said that a different set of rules should apply in assessing scientific collaborations with researchers from authoritarian regimes, such as Russia or China. Various witnesses have given us their mixed opinions on this proposal. Gordon Houlden talked about the need to focus on research as well, and Cherie Wong, another witness, talked about a country-blind approach.
Can you elaborate on your approach? Also, what do you think of the positions of the other witnesses?
In fact, we haven't really embarked yet on giving the lists to the universities. We said that anything they put forward that the granting councils, in consultation with ISED and CSIS, think are sensitive will be reviewed. What we really need to do is give the lists of the institutions to the universities and tell them that they will not partner with any of these.
Also, I believe—and this was also suggested by Mr. Houlden—that it is also the topics and disciplines. Even for something seemingly innocent at a civilian university, we know that civilian researchers are obliged to partner with the Chinese military, if they're asked to do so, under the policy for the integration of military and civilian technology development. This is the thing that got me really concerned about this situation many years ago.
It's both a list of institutions and a list of topics. I guess the worst-case scenario, in my mind, would be if the universities were given simply a very narrow list of universities that have the words “military” or “defence” in them. That would not be sufficient at all.
That's the way the researchers see it. They say, “My friends of 25 years in China would never do anything unseemly.” However, when military researchers are part of the research process, they can redirect the research to their priorities in the PLA, whether it's through NUDT or a civilian university partnering with the Chinese military.
We often hear the expression “dual use”. “Dual use” gives you the impression of equipment that's sitting on a shelf somewhere, and you can use it for a piece of defence equipment or in some kind of civilian thing—for a plane or something. Anybody who talks to you about dual use in the context of China's military and civilian fusion program doesn't know what they are talking about, in my opinion, because that's way too simplistic an approach. It's far more nuanced. Having Chinese researchers—even those partnering with civilian researchers, who in turn are partnering with Canadians—as part of that research process will redirect Canadian innovation into weaponry for the PLA. We'll never know how it tracked. The reason is that there's no transparency in the Chinese research system.
My questions are for both witnesses, who will be in the best position to answer them.
I would like to know their opinion on the testimony we heard last week, which stated that Canada's competitiveness, particularly with China, could sharpen the greed of some researchers. I think you know where things stand.
Federal government investment in research and development has declined over the past 20 years. However, China has significantly increased its investments, from less than 1% of its GDP in 2000, to almost 2.5%. Canada invested 2% of its GDP at the beginning of the millennium, and in 2020, it invested a little more than 1.5%.
Has the fact that some researchers were interested in doing business with certain countries ever compromised the national security of research?
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That's terrific. Thank you. Thank you both for your testimonies.
Thank you, members, for great questions.
Thank you again, Margaret McCuaig-Johnston and Anna Puglisi, for being here with us this afternoon in relation to this study. If you have any other information—I know there were some questions we had to cut short—please direct it to the clerk. If you have any questions in general, the clerk is here to help us in any way she can.
We're going to suspend briefly now. If Mr. Cannings can stay online, we'll bring in our next panel. We should be up and running within the next three or four minutes, so stay close and we'll get going.
Thanks again.
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I call the meeting back to order. Welcome back.
We're going to get into our next panel. After a really good discussion in our first hour, I'm looking forward to this hour as well.
This study we're doing is pursuant to Standing Order 108(3)(i) and the motion adopted by the committee on Monday, December 5, 2022. The committee is commencing its study on the long-term impacts of pay gaps experienced by different genders and equity-seeking groups among faculty at Canadian universities.
It's my pleasure now to welcome our witnesses today.
First we have Airini, provost and vice-president academic at the University of Saskatchewan. From Simon Fraser University, we have Joy Johnson, who is president, via video conference.
Thank you both for joining us today.
We'll start our first testimony for five minutes with Airini, please.
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Hello. Thank you so much for the invitation to speak.
My name is, yes, Airini. I'm a professor specializing in equity in higher education. My career includes working for governments, the OECD and the United Nations, and I hold the role of provost and vice-president academic at the University of Saskatchewan.
I'll cover three areas today: the University of Saskatchewan's context with regard to pay gaps, actions universities can take and actions the federal government can take. Together we can advance science and research to benefit a more equitable and prosperous Canada.
The University of Saskatchewan is similar to many universities nationally. Right now, in a new cohort of assistant professors, we have more faculty who are women than men. Over the next decade, we expect to see women trend closer towards 50% of full professors.
Even with good news, we know there is a pay gap, especially at the full professor level. There are specific data points we track. We work to evaluate performance inclusively and apply compensation fairly with women, indigenous faculty, faculty of colour, 2SLGBTQIA+ faculty and those with disabilities.
The causes of the gender pay gap that we're seeing are around the full professor ranks and who makes it to this rank, starting salaries and research productivity. Elder and child care responsibilities affect the productivity, and we saw this especially during the pandemic. My colleague Professor Scott Walsworth and others have written on this most recently. There's the time-consuming service work and more teaching and there's workplace discrimination and the achievements of women being devalued and undervalued. This suggests that alongside the pay gap actions, there are also pay discrimination actions.
What can a university do, then, to address the gender gap?
In 2015, the University of Saskatchewan introduced the gender pay equity increase, which was negotiated with the faculty association and provided a lift to base. This narrowed the pay gap by 2% for women faculty. It was a band-aid solution, though, and we are working on systemic solutions, including career progression, training in EDI and anti-discrimination, flexibility in workplace arrangements and access to child care services. We're aware of provinces and institutions that have introduced pay transparency. Research has shown that this can reduce the gender gap and reduce salaries.
On a note about indigenous and EDI pay gaps, in 2023 our university launched the indigenous citizenship verification policy. This means we can now track measures of inequity such as compensation. Following the lead of other universities, USask will launch a regular equity census, and the data obtained will enable us to examine diversity and gender pay gaps and identify actions. We had to put policies in place so that we could start this work.
Two long-term impacts are the gender inequality in pensions—and we know the committee has heard about research by Professor Smith-Carrier and team on the gender wage and pension gap that's about half a million dollars and grows over the career of a woman faculty—and then there's the talent for science and research. Canada is in a global and highly competitive talent market for top researchers. Making a difference in gender equality and inclusion is essential. The alternative may be to continue to lose women and equity-seeking scientists from Canada despite high productivity levels and potential.
You may be thinking that many of the actions on the wage gap in universities will be for the universities to see through, and that's true. Even so, government may wish to consider three levers for change: investment, influence and information.
In terms of investment, the primary route for government influence is through the granting councils. Government may wish to ask for data that universities are tracking and then use this to inform policy. This was done very effectively with Canada research chairs. Granting councils could ask for grant recipients to provide assurance of pay equity within their research teams.
In terms of influence, this committee's report will be influential, because you're seeing pay gaps affect science and research. Government could ask for sector outcomes to be reported on, associated with your report.
With information, ongoing audits of pay and gender are already happening through the government's gender results framework. In collaboration with universities, the framework could generate case studies, beginning with pay gaps experienced among faculty at Canadian universities.
In closing, everyone has a right to be paid fairly. Government and universities can work together to attract and retain the talent needed to advance science and research to benefit a more equitable and prosperous Canada.
Thank you.
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Thank you very much. I probably will be echoing some points of Dr. Airini's excellent presentation.
I want to thank the panel for inviting me to speak today. I do want to acknowledge that I'm speaking to you today from the rainy west coast on the unceded traditional territories of the Musqueam, Squamish, Tsleil-Waututh and Kwikwetlem people.
I do appreciate the opportunity to be part of this dialogue.
At SFU and at universities across the post-secondary sector, we recognize the importance of diverse viewpoints and perspectives. In a historically male-dominated field, which academia has been in the past, gender diversity among faculty is something we take very seriously.
SFU has made important strides in increasing the number of women faculty members at the university, but we also know that those numbers don't show the whole story. B.C. has one of the highest gender pay gaps in Canada, with women in B.C. earning 17% less than men did in 2022. This systemic issue can be seen replicated across the post-secondary system.
In 2015, SFU completed a study on gender disparity in faculty salaries. The study found that although we were making strides in terms of gender parity, the increased representation did not translate into improvements in women's pay relative to that of men. The gender salary gap at that time was about 10%.
Interestingly, this result seemed to apply only to research faculty. We found no evidence of a gender salary gap among our teaching faculty. We also found that the gender salary gap for research faculty was largely attributable to what we refer to as “off-scale” salary supplements, or what you might think of as market differentials, rather than a gender gap in placement on the base salary scale.
We also found that faculty who take parental or medical leaves, regardless of gender, faced lower odds of promotion, and therefore the gender salary gap, we have continued to conclude, is real and systemic. However, it's complicated, with many overlapping factors. This is why this conversation is so very important.
I want to give you a quick outline of some of the actions we're taking at SFU to address the gap.
Similar to the University of Saskatchewan, in 2016 we implemented salary adjustments to begin to address the gap. Those included a permanent salary increase of 1.7% for our women faculty, as well as an additional financial award of 1.7%. Since then, we have seen some evidence that the gender salary gap for research faculty is shrinking. It was 10%; it is now sitting around 7%.
There is still more progress to be made.
One of our biggest challenges in further addressing the issue has been a lack of comprehensive data. In recent years, there's been growing awareness and concern about data limitations and administrative data that reproduce the gender binary and an absence of information about other dimensions of diversity relevant to understanding salary inequities. We have a new vice-president of people, equity and inclusion. In her work, she's trying to move forward to really address this issue.
In British Columbia, there are several pieces of legislation that have recently been passed, including new pay transparency legislation and broader anti-racism legislation. We believe these are important legislative pieces that will help our work.
We're also working to address disparities for other groups targeted by the Employment Equity Act, including people with disabilities, indigenous peoples and visible minorities.
A lot of this work rests on better data collection. To that end, we are implementing an institutional-level diversity data framework. The intent, really, is to gather better data and to monitor and think very carefully about our diversity objectives and ways in which we can cultivate a more equitable and inclusive campus.
When I became president in 2020, it was a priority of mine to address equity, diversity and inclusion. I think it's a very important issue for all of us. I want to say that there's still much more work to be done. I am proud of the progress we've made but recognize that we are not where we need to be.
I look forward to your questions and to the discussion.
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One of our issues is that we have offered, over time, market differentials for particular areas. These would be differentials that are given to areas where it's hard to recruit people or where their salary expectations are higher.
For example, in our business school, in our accounting program, many of those faculty get market differentials, but we see actually more men represented in those departments than women, and therefore we end up across the board seeing higher wages for men overall.
Similarly, we've seen certain market differentials being offered in our engineering faculty. This is to attract and retain faculty that get offered compensation on top of base salary, and that really is what, I think, tends to exacerbate this issue.
Thank you, colleagues, for the warm welcome to this committee.
This issue is a life that I have lived for 20 years. I also lived it at the time vicariously through my ex-spouse. Both of us were academics in the same cohort, moving lockstep through the university.
There is an inbuilt bias, not with teaching positions but in actual positions. In our case, it was a third, a third and a third. A third was teaching, a third was research and a third was service. In all of the merit and promotion exercises, the third that was research was weighted way more heavily than the third that was service, and that ended up creating gaps exponentially over time because, as has been pointed out in one of the documents we have, women in particular are often more associated with the service side, for whatever reason.
I want to flip it around, particularly to President Johnson: Is there anything that's working?
We've had a really robust day care system in Quebec from the late 1990s. That certainly helped my family at the time. It helped two academics at the time. Are there regional differences based on policies such as day care or targeted policies that certain universities may have taken to address pay equity over the years? What's worked?
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Yes, I think that some of the things have worked. I would certainly say that day care is one of them. We have day care on our campus that's available to our faculty and staff, but it's oversubscribed. There aren't enough spots. I think that can make a big difference.
The other thing that I think is working is a lot of the unconscious bias training that we're now doing for hiring committees. I think that's helping a great deal. There has been a tradition, to be frank, at universities that people basically replace themselves. You have a largely male, white faculty, and they think excellence looks like that. There's been this sense of replacement or seeing excellence as basically looking like a particular kind of productivity.
To your point as well, I think that there is also very good documentation that women have stepped up and engaged in more service at the universities by chairing committees, stepping up to be on working groups, etc. I think that department heads, chairs and deans are now looking at that very carefully to make sure that there is better distribution of that work.
I think these are some of the things that can help. I do believe that we need to continue to be thinking about reporting, being transparent about this, trying to move forward to help departments and faculties understand where these gaps are starting to exist and how they can redress them.
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What we have is a sector that wants to make moves on the EDI representation within our researchers and within our academic community overall.
Where we actually have the data.... For Member Lobb, we have data available, and we're becoming more refined in the datasets. That can become a very compelling case, because it shows faculty members how close we are to the vision targets. In the case of the University of Saskatchewan, we have pay equity that favours women when looked at as a group overall. For the assistant professor, we're only a few points off, similar to the associate professor, so it shows progress.
When it comes to saying, “Let's take the next step and build incentives”, it all has a logic to it because it's part of the vision and part of the value set underpinning the university. For the University of Saskatchewan, diversity is one of our underpinning values.
Greetings to the witnesses joining us for the second hour of the meeting.
My first question is for Ms. Johnson.
I took the time to analyze a report on a study on the gender wage gap in the faculty of Canadian universities. This study was conducted over a 10‑year period, from 1996 to 2016. Of course, it targeted the 15 largest Canadian universities. In that study, it was noted that men were, on average, paid 2.14% more than their female colleagues. The study also found that the gaps were even greater among Canada's major research universities, also known as the U15.
Ms. Johnson, do you have any hypotheses that explain why the wage gap between men and women is larger at the U15 Group of Canadian Research Universities?
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That's an interesting question. I think my colleague from Saskatchewan alluded to some of this.
The Canada research chairs program is a federal program. It introduced very clear guidance around equity in terms of distribution of those chairs, creating requirements in reporting. We saw the universities respond—slowly, but they did respond.
I think the important thing federally is to think about what the levers are. I would say that the levers are through the granting councils, for the most part. As you know, post-secondary education is a provincial matter, but funding for research is a federal matter through the tri-council and through their various programs like the CRC program, the granting council programs and the Canada excellence research chairs program.
We have seen movement on the part of the tri-council to start to make sure that issues related to equity are considered, but they stop in terms of representation. They don't ask that next question around pay gap. They want to make sure that universities are basically creating opportunities for women, for individuals who are disabled and for the BIPOC population, etc. However, they don't ask that next question about making sure that there is actually pay equity for those individuals as well.
I want to home in on what recommendations this committee could make to the federal government that are within the federal government's scope. I know, Airini, you had started to suggest a few things, and Dr. Johnson as well. I think both of these were centred mostly around the federal levers of funding particular to research funding.
I think it's very important that we address this issue. To both of your points, it's important to highlight that I do think this is a talent competitiveness issue for Canada as well as an equity issue, but as you mentioned, Dr. Johnson, some of this is within the scope of provincial governments.
I do want to put on the record that there's been a bit of discussion in one province on the Canada research chairs issue, particularly in Quebec. There was a history professor at Montreal's Dawson College who filed a human rights complaint against Laval University and the Canada research chairs program, alleging discrimination because of these changes. Then the Quebec Minister of Education put forward a motion in, I believe, December of last year that asked the National Assembly to express its concern regarding the exclusion of certain candidates from obtaining Canada research chairs on the basis of criteria that are not related to competence.
This seems like a bit of a pickle to me. Are there ways that the federal government could perhaps aid this issue that aren't going to lead it into a fight with the provinces, particularly with Quebec, given some of the concerns that have been raised in the National Assembly?
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These are recurring points, although I have one new one to add in there.
The recurring ones are around full professor ranks: who gets there and in what time.
Another is around starting salaries themselves. We know the cumulative effect that the starting salary has. This committee is looking at the long-term impact of the pay gaps.
Another one that we're seeing come through, which is a very important one to keep an eye on, is the impact of COVID on the research trajectory of the women faculty members.
My colleague Dr. Scott Walsworth, along with other colleagues, actually looked into the impact of COVID. They found that there was evidence of a steeper perceived productivity decline for women during the pandemic, steeper than that of men.
One of the key causes there was who was being the primary carer—not necessarily the number of children, but the primary carer in the household. The research, which is very helpful for setting the scene for further studies and further monitoring of this issue, is asking us to rethink, potentially, the 10-year promotion criteria, to think again about what it takes to actually have a career as an academic, to be active within science and research and to also be involved in primary care itself. We have some examples internationally of how there is a more inclusive view that's helping with moving their performance recognition forward.
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Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
I would like to continue talking about possible solutions. We have seen the overview of the situation, and the data in some studies show that there really is a problem with the wage gap.
Ms. Johnson, earlier you said that mechanisms were already in place, including federal funding for granting agencies and research chairs, to reduce the wage gap or respect pay equity.
Do you think the problems related to everything involving federal funding have been resolved? Do you think there are still disparities in the wage gap, both for research chairs and for the three granting agencies? Today, can we say that it has been resolved and move on to something else? Can we now focus on policies that directly affect universities, the Government of Quebec or those of other provinces?
:
Thanks for that. I don't think that the problem has been solved through our Canada research chair program, because all that the program has done is ensure that we have a diversity of representation of Canada research chairs. That has not addressed the pay issue.
It's interesting. I'm sitting here racking my brain to think about what could be done federally, and one thing I will say is that universities have to apply and be recognized as an institution that can hold tri-council dollars. Usually that recognition is based on whether you have good audit functions, can manage the funds and all those kinds of things, but there are other levers that could be utilized to indicate that a university is eligible for funding from the federal government for tri-council dollars. For example, they would have certain policies and practices in place.
That has not been taken up to any great degree. Some of my presidential colleagues will hate me for suggesting this, but I do think that we do need to look at both carrots and sticks, and this would be a stick that potentially could be utilized and thought about.
Again, that's what I'm thinking through. What are the regulatory levers that can be pulled federally to help us address this issue?
I would like to follow up with Dr. Johnson on my last point. This is perhaps one step removed from the issue at hand, which is the pay gap, but it's this idea that one thing the federal government does and one thing it could do better is fund the students—the master's students, the Ph.D. students and the post-doctoral students—who are in the process of becoming researchers and working at universities that we're talking about today, and properly fund the scholarships and fellowships that have been frozen for the last 20 years.
This is the big filter, I think, that filters out women who are trying to advance their education, because they are doing the things that you have talked about, such as taking care of families. It filters out people of colour and people with low incomes.
I'm wondering if that could that have some bearing on this issue.
:
Thank you so much for raising that point.
Graduate student support is an absolutely essential point for us here in Canada. As you have said, it has been frozen for 20 years, and I am deeply concerned about the barriers that exist for people to enter into graduate school, graduate education. They simply do not have the support. We're hearing this from our graduate students all the time, and I think, as you have said, particularly from women who might have child care responsibilities. For other groups, that funding really makes a difference.
This is something we have been asking for a long time to be addressed, and I think we do need to look at that whole pipeline, as you have said, to make sure that we have the talent coming through the system. Again, that would be an area where there could be requirements around representation, and there should be.
:
You read my mind. On the last one, I was thinking of early-stage researchers and equity around that, because we know that's an under-represented group as well. The ones that get funded tend to be the ones that get funded, but the early-stage ones quite often are overlooked.
Thank you for a very engaging discussion, Dr. Airini and Dr. Johnson, and for your participation in this study on the long-term impacts of pay gaps experienced by different genders and equity-seeking groups. If there's any more information that can help inform us, I think one of the great values of this committee is to be able to bring these discussions together so that other universities can also see what it is we're talking about. Of course, they could also submit comments and briefs.
We will be meeting on Wednesday, September 27, to resume both these studies. As a quick reminder, there is advocacy on the Hill right now. The Support Our Science group is meeting at 306 Valour until seven o'clock. They would like to see people who are interested in science, if you have time.
Apart from that, I'm looking for adjournment.
Mr. Maxime Blanchette-Joncas: I so move.
The Chair: Thank you, Maxime.
Thank you, everybody, for a great meeting. We'll see you on Wednesday.
The meeting is adjourned.