:
I call this meeting to order.
Welcome to meeting number 141 of the House of Commons Standing Committee on Health.
In accordance with our routine motion, I'm informing the committee that all remote participants have completed the required connection tests in advance of the meeting.
Pursuant to Standing Order 108(2) and the motion adopted on November 8, 2023, the committee is resuming its study of the opioid epidemic and toxic drug crisis in Canada.
I'd like to welcome our panel of witnesses. We have with us in the room Jennifer and John Hedican and, online, Dr. Marc Vogel, chief physician, division of substance use disorders, University of Basel Psychiatric Clinics. Also by video conference, we have Kim Brière-Charest, project director on psychoactive substances for l'Association pour la Santé Publique du Québec, and Marianne Dessureault, attorney and head of legal affairs for the association. Also with us in the room is Thai Truong, chief of police for the London Police Service.
Thanks to all of you for being with us. We're going to begin with your opening statements of up to five minutes in length.
We're going to start with the Hedicans.
Mr. and Mrs. Hedican, welcome to the committee. You have the floor.
:
Hello. Thank you for the opportunity to speak here today.
We lost our oldest son, Ryan, when he was 26, and our nephew, Justin, when he was 38, to organized crime's toxic supply of drugs. As hard as it is, try to imagine losing your son or daughter, know that over 47,000 Canadians have died the exact same way, from the same cause, as your loved one, and then have to listen to our political parties choose to not acknowledge that these deaths were preventable if they'd implemented different policies.
Ryan, Justin and the vast majority of Canadians who have died to toxic drugs since 2016 would be alive today if they had been alcoholics or alcohol users, as we provide a government-controlled, safe and legalized source for those substance users. Shame on our federal leadership and elected MPs for choosing to ignore this truth and reality. Shame on those elected politicians who continue to politicize a health crisis, one that has killed more than the Second World War.
All political parties choosing to ignore this reality disrespect and minimize the deaths of Ryan and Justin and our families' grief and the 47,000 lives lost and their families' grief. These mass poisonings would not happen to any other demographic. We would not allow 22 people a day to die to the same cause, year after year, and not acknowledge what would save lives.
The prohibition of drugs is the single biggest contributing factor in all toxic drug deaths. It ensures and supports organized crime as the only supplier in every town and city in our country. We have wasted trillions of tax dollars funding a war on drug users—our family members, our friends and our colleagues. For more than 100 years, it has been an absolute failure. Prohibition can't keep drugs from flourishing in our prisons. Prohibition has directly created and supported a powerful multinational black market for organized crime that supplies and poisons innocent substance users.
The prohibition of drugs is a fantasy policy that is wishing it could keep drugs from entering our communities. The reality is that substance use is a normal neurobiological impulse that will always exist in humans. Legalization is the only policy to directly stop our loved ones from dying from toxic drugs and to address reality, just like legalizing alcohol and marijuana has. For political parties to call for only safer communities, more recovery and mental health beds, and forced and voluntary care, and to not choose to acknowledge all these serious and costly issues, will not change a thing until we address the cause: Organized crime is supplying toxic drugs.
Our son, Ryan, had been in recovery twice. The second time it was for eight months at a facility in New Westminster called Last Door. He returned to work as a third-year electrician. Ryan relapsed shortly after returning to work and died during his lunch break at his job site. Relapse is a normal component of the disease of addiction. When this happens, our federal drug policy forces those who fight a disease back to organized crime to get what their body demands. For what other disease would we allow organized crime to fill a prescription?
The major foundation of most recovery facilities is abstinence only rather than harm reduction. Again, that does not address the reality that addiction is not a choice but rather a disease, with a 92% relapse rate for those using opiates. Recovery played a major part in Ryan's death, as his tolerance was low due to his eight months of sobriety when he relapsed.
Recovery needs to be based on more than a faith-based 12-step program that was introduced over 90 years ago. Science and medical intervention need to be funded to address and cure addiction. What other disease do we treat the same as we did 90 years ago?
The politicians who call for recovery as the be-all and end-all are choosing to ignore the truths and realities of recovery. It does not address, and nor will it stop, the deaths of youth, first-time and recreational users, as they are not addicted. It's like these thousands of people somehow don't exist. Recovery will not save all chronic users for many reasons, just as all alcoholics do not enter into recovery. To not acknowledge these lives is morally wrong, a failing of responsibility, and once again showing that all lives are not equal—or matter—to politicians. Votes are valued over lives.
Dr. Bonnie Henry, our B.C. provincial health officer, stated this summer that prohibition is responsible for the death crisis we are in, and that legalization and regulation minimize harms. As an epidemiologist and health professional, her recommendations are based on evidence and science. Political parties base policy and recommendations on the net gain of votes.
Our son Ryan and 47,000 Canadians have died to toxic drugs supplied by organized crime, which is supported by the prohibition of drugs. What else do you need to know to stop this mass poisoning, these preventable deaths?
Thank you.
:
Thank you very much for the opportunity to appear before the standing committee. It's a particular honour for me because I have a long-standing connection to Canada ever since I spent a high school year in Alberta in the early 1990s.
As an active clinician and researcher, I specialize in opioid and cocaine use and dependence, as well as the treatment of concurrent psychiatric disorders. I currently serve as head physician of the addiction department at the University of Basel Psychiatric Clinics.
Our department provides opioid-assisted treatment to approximately 500 patients. In addition, we offer in-patient treatment, as well as outreach treatment, and we provide medical services at Basel's two supervised consumption sites.
Canada is currently grappling with a severe opioid overdose crisis that is devastating communities across the country. In 2015, I had the opportunity to spend several months as a research fellow at the University of British Columbia, and I was struck by how deeply the opioid crisis is affecting individuals and society as a whole.
Switzerland, too, faced a public health crisis related to opioids in the 1980s and 1990s. Intravenous heroin use was the key driver of the HIV epidemic, which hit Switzerland harder than any other European country. Open drug scenes were visible in all major Swiss cities, and per-capita overdose deaths reached the highest levels in the world.
Switzerland's political system is based on compromise between linguistic regions, urban and rural areas and political parties across the spectrum that have to share governmental responsibilities. Laws are often subject to political referendums. Overall, our political decision-making processes are slow.
However, in the early 1990s, the urgency of the situation was so great that politicians, law enforcement, the treatment system and individuals who use drugs, along with their families, came together to completely overhaul Switzerland's drug policy. The result was the introduction of harm reduction as a fourth pillar of Swiss drug policy alongside prevention, therapy and law enforcement. Harm reduction measures, such as supervised consumption services, needle and syringe dispensing, and low-threshold social initiatives like supported housing, employment and free meals, were implemented on a broad scale. Importantly, this was accompanied by the introduction of patient-centred, low-threshold treatment for opioid dependence. Opioid agonist therapy with methadone became easily accessible, covered by mandatory health insurance and available nationwide, primarily in general practitioners' offices but also in specialized institutions like ours.
Patients have always been involved in decisions regarding their treatment, and most unnecessary regulations and restrictions were abolished. For the majority of patients, take-home methadone was introduced. Despite these measures, it became clear that a portion of the opioid-dependent patients still did not benefit from treatment. This is why Switzerland introduced heroin-assisted treatment in 1994, providing pharmaceutical heroin under medical supervision, embedded in a therapeutic environment that includes addiction and psychiatric care, as well as social support. Heroin is prescribed for injection, as well as in the form of tablets. Currently, we are also investigating the prescription of nasal heroin in a national multicentre study.
It's important to emphasize that heroin-assisted treatment is much more than just dispensing heroin. It's a comprehensive, interdisciplinary and cost-effective treatment approach that also addresses psychiatric comorbidities, such as psychosis, depression or trauma, which often contribute to addiction in the first place. Up to 80% of patients in opioid agonist therapy in Switzerland have such concurrent psychiatric problems. I firmly believe that opioid agonist therapy can only achieve its full potential when these co-occurring issues are also addressed.
All of these measures were implemented on a large scale and were made available across the nation. Switzerland, while smaller than Nova Scotia and with much of it mountainous, now has 16 supervised consumption services and more than 1,800 patients in 24 heroin-assisted treatment centres. Why is this important? We know that only patients receiving treatment can benefit from it. In Switzerland, around 80% of opioid-dependent people are engaged in opioid agonist therapy with a range of medications that they can choose from on any given day.
In Canada, this proportion is much lower. In our outpatient clinic in Basel alone, we treat over 200 patients with pharmaceutical heroin. If we were to translate this number to Toronto, that would imply approximately 3,000 patients in heroin-assisted treatment. However, when I prepared for this meeting, I reviewed Dr. de Villa's recent statement to the committee. She noted that the only injectable opioid agonist treatment program in Toronto has 35 patients.
The opioid-dependent population in Switzerland is now an aging cohort and new solutions are needed to care for elderly patients.
The number of new opioid users has declined steeply since the 1990s. The provision of heroin-assisted treatment has been confirmed in five popular referendums, and problematic opioid use is viewed as a medical issue, leading to a reduction in stigma around this treatment. We're convinced that this is the result of the broad introduction of harm reduction measures and low-threshold opioid agonist therapy, including injectable options and treatment of concurrent disorders.
Thank you for your attention. I'm happy to answer any questions.
Ladies and gentlemen of the Standing Committee on Health, thank you for including us in this consultation.
Canada is in the midst of a massive public health crisis causes in large part by contaminated unregulated drugs on the illegal market. More than 47,000 people have died in our communities since January 2016. That's more than the number of Canadian soldiers killed during the Second World War. The scale of the problem indicates the need for an urgent, adapted, nationwide response.
Members of the Global Commission on Drug Policy identified Canada as a country that stands out thanks to its bold pursuit of policies infused with a human rights and public health approach. However, existing solutions are no longer an adequate response to the scale of the needs and cannot attenuate the crisis. We need to do more to prevent premature, avoidable deaths, expand access to voluntary treatment, enhance prevention, ensure a regulated supply and reduce the burden on the judicial system.
The overdose crisis has been less severe in Quebec than in other provinces, but it is present nonetheless. Many indicators suggest it is getting worse. The province's approach to addiction is a continuum involving prevention, research, harm reduction and treatment. The social safety net has certainly contributed to reducing the prevalence of overdose and avoiding additional pressure on the health and social services system. Acting on the social determinants of this crisis is crucial. The lack of social housing and resources in certain sectors exacerbates health and social coexistence problems.
In addition to tackling aggravating factors, the toxic drug supply and the immediate on-the-ground response, we need to enhance upstream prevention. We need to stop the bleeding and manage emergencies.
Criminalization aggravates stigmatization, which leads to hidden consumption and delays access to resources and treatment. It increases pressure on the judicial system without truly tackling drug toxicity. In 2020, criminal justice costs related to the use of drugs other than alcohol, tobacco and cannabis exceeded $10 billion.
The Association pour la santé publique du Québec believes that recent political debates across the country threaten the continuity of harm reduction resources. Sometimes, these resources are a person's last link to care and treatment, a pivotal role for people with no access to health care resources. Sometimes, there's no other way to reach those people.
Brain lesions due to oxygen deprivation during overdose can aggravate mental health and addiction problems and make people less likely to access supervised consumption services. Not only will that increase the death toll, but it may also result in more permanent health complications.
Supervised consumption services are crucial to making a safe, clean, legal structure available. Detox and therapy are essential, but they have to be part of a continuum of resources. There is no evidence that forced treatment is effective, and it exposes people to a higher risk of overdose. We need to start by making treatment accessible, free, adapted and universally available to ensure geographic equality for all.
Prescribing regulated substances significantly reduces the risk of accidental death. However, given the potency of substances on the illegal market, available medications are no longer able to ease withdrawal symptoms. Access to regulated substances is crucial to reducing the effects of drug toxicity. Let's not forget that overdose is typically caused by contaminated drugs, not prescribed drugs.
Addressing overdose is complex. There are no simple solutions. According to a report by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, the war on drugs is having a disproportionate impact on the poor and on vulnerable groups. This public health crisis calls for a cross-party approach based on scientific evidence so people don't play politics with problems related to overdose.
I'll let my colleague, Marianne Dessureault, finish our presentation.
:
Good morning, Mr. Chair and members of the Standing Committee on Health. Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today to discuss the opioid epidemic and the challenges we face in London, Ontario, with respect to the safe supply program and its unintended consequences.
London has garnered significant attention in recent months regarding the safe supply program. While the program is well intentioned, we are seeing concerning outcomes related to the diversion of safe supply medications. The diversion of regulated medications, including hydromorphone, is a growing concern. These diverted drugs are being resold within our community, trafficked to other jurisdictions and even used as currency to obtain fentanyl, perpetuating the illegal drug trade. Specifically, we are seeing significant increases in the availability of diverted Dilaudid eight-milligram tablets, which are often prescribed as part of safe supply initiatives. Vulnerable individuals are being targeted by criminals who exchange these prescriptions for fentanyl, exacerbating addiction and community harm. This issue is not isolated to individuals experiencing substance use challenges. It also impacts the safety and well-being of our entire community.
The human cost of the opioid crisis is devastating. In 2019, 73 individuals in London lost their lives due to drug overdoses. That number spiked to 123 in 2020 and reached 142 in 2021. While fatalities have slightly declined since then to 123 in 2023, we remain far above prepandemic levels. Tragically, over 80% of opioid-related overdose deaths in London are linked to fentanyl.
Our enforcement data emphasizes the growing issue of diverted medications. Hydromorphone seizures have increased substantially over the past five years. In 2019, we seized 847 pills, 75 of which were eight-milligram Dilaudid. By 2023, seizures ballooned to over 30,000 pills, with nearly 50% being eight-milligram Dilaudid. These increases cannot be attributed to pharmacy thefts, as London has had only one pharmacy robbery since 2019. Our police service is working diligently to disrupt the trafficking of fentanyl and diverted safe supply medications. We are targeting individuals and organized crime groups that exploit vulnerable populations and fuel the drug trade.
However, enforcement alone is not sufficient. We are collaborating with community health partners to address the systemic issues contributing to diversion. These efforts must be holistic, integrating prevention, harm reduction and treatment. I'm not here to criticize the safe supply program but to address the serious challenges associated with its diversion. We need innovation to mitigate risks. We need robust enforcement to hold traffickers accountable. We need continued collaboration among health, social service and public safety sectors to effectively respond to this crisis. This is a complex issue requiring collective action. I want to acknowledge the challenging efforts of health and social service partners working on the front lines of prevention, harm reduction and treatment in response to this opioid crisis. However, it will require strong collaboration and strong enforcement to face this crisis.
Thank you for your time. I welcome your questions.
I want to thank all the witnesses for coming here today.
To the Hedicans, I'm sorry for the loss of your children.
Chief Truong, you said that there were clearly unintended consequences from this radical new policy of safe supply that was brought in and piloted in your community of London.
When you put out your press conference and talked about safe supply, how confident were you that the drugs that you were seizing were from these safe supply programs?
Let's go back to what some of our other witnesses have said, which is that we cannot ignore evidence-based....
I'm going to the chief now.
Chief, thank you so much for being here.
On October 16, you made a comment in The London Free Press. You said, “We know we can’t arrest our way out of this...[but] there are times when it is appropriate to make arrests when individuals are openly using dangerous drugs in the community.”
Can you comment on who the appropriate person would be to make these arrests for public drug use? What kind of law enforcement services do you think are needed to adequately respond to this overdose crisis in our community, especially in London and given the context and collaborations that have happened across different practices?
I'm going to take advantage of the fact that we have people here who are coming at this from completely different perspectives. Some focus on implementing the strategy, others on law enforcement and others on harm reduction. Some are the people on the front lines, and some are bereaved parents.
My first question is for Ms. Brière‑Charest and Mr. Vogel. Please keep your answer brief.
In your opinion, would the toxic drug crisis be more or less severe without safe supply? What can be done about safe supply drugs being diverted?
Please share your views quickly.
Then I'll go to Chief Truong and Mr. and Ms. Hedican.
:
First of all, I want to point out that it's not really clear what's meant by safe supply. There are very different programs, as far as I am aware, for what safe supply means. Sometimes it can be just a prescription for hydromorphone and nothing else, and I'm not convinced that this will work.
It can also be almost like a treatment setting and this is where it leads me. I think we should offer medication with opioids as a prescription inside of a therapy setting. This means controlled. This means regularly overseen by a doctor. This means a therapeutic context. This means a relationship with patients and providers. I think it should not be apart from therapy.
I heard that hydromorphone is used as currency to get fentanyl. Ms. Hedican was saying that these people are forced to sell hydromorphone, and this is exactly the point. They are selling hydromorphone because they're looking for fentanyl. If you want to take the analogy of heroin-assisted treatment in Switzerland, why not treat these people with fentanyl in a really intensive, therapeutic setting so they get the substance they are looking for and probably the substance they need at this point in time?
I cannot comment on your question of whether the crisis would be worse or better.
:
Ryan was our family's IT guy. Ryan hated his disease. He felt shame, stigma and remorse. Our political system—the prohibition of drugs—put that on Ryan.
When he tried to fight his disease, he fought hard through recovery. His second time was for eight months. You don't stay in recovery for eight months if it's not something you want in your life. At the end of the day, Ryan relapsed shortly after eight months, doing a job that he loved. He had dreams. To have that taken away from him, when he should be alive today....
As I've said, if he were an alcoholic, he'd be here today, because he would have had a chance to go to a safe legal source to get what he wanted and get back on that horse again. He would have beat it, but we never gave him another chance, because the prohibition of drugs sends those who relapse and fight a disease right to organized crime: They have nowhere else to go. We don't acknowledge that, and it's wrong on so many levels. When I talk about “politicizing”, that's what happens. We don't acknowledge the truths and realities.
One hundred and fifty youths in B.C. have died, from 2018 to 2023, and the vast majority of these kids are not addicted. They make a mistake when they try the gateway drug—alcohol—and they die, and we don't talk about what has killed them.
If you two could quit talking when I'm talking up here.... It's rude. I'm talking about the death of my son and the 150 youths who have died in our province and who would be alive today if they would have had a source that came from a legalized clean source.
Those 150 parents would be disgusted.
I'm sorry. I lost track of the question.
:
When you bring a child home from the hospital, you can't look at them with the thought that they're going to battle something you won't be able to help them through. I heard the honourable member talking about her children having strep throat. I understand that, because my son had been sick, as well. When they move to the use of substances that they battle.... Our other children have used substances, as well, but they don't battle them.
Gord asked a question. I'll go quickly.
My view has completely changed. John, as an alcoholic, has been sober for 38 years. We talked openly about what substance use is like. I was certain our children were not going to follow that same hard path. I really fought against Ryan using substances, even though I was the mother who would pick him up if he'd had too much to drink, then not admonish him, because my siblings and cousins had all done this in their adolescent phase, as well. I now know that substance use, when it becomes chronic, is not a choice. The number of people we met in recovery facilities Ryan had been to.... People talked about it being their eighth time there. That's the heartache people went through. It's not the fault of the person, even though it feels like it when we put that judgment on them.
I really wish we didn't use the word “overdose”, because it's not an overdose. When Ryan was 16 and went to a New Year's Eve party, he ended up with alcohol poisoning. It's called “alcohol poisoning”, but everything else is called an “overdose”. We had the coroner change Ryan's death certificate to say that he died from toxicity due to a substance. You can't call it an overdose, because people are not ingesting what they think they are ingesting. The amount of toxicity in the drugs is so high and inconsistent that users don't know what they're putting in their bodies. I hear the word “fentanyl”. Fentanyl is not the only drug being put in that is killing our loved ones.
The drug toxicity is also impacting people who are unhoused, because they are constantly in a state of withdrawal from drug sickness. If the coffee you drank today had not had the right level of caffeine, which was replaced by other substances that made you ill, your body would still crave that caffeine. You would probably need more instances of it throughout the day, which is what is happening with drug toxicity now.
Thank you to all of the witnesses for their testimony today.
Chief Truong, I have some questions for you about organized crime.
It's something affecting all Canadians, in both urban centres and rural areas across this country, and in every province. It was astonishing to look at a release from the London Police Service guns and gangs section recently, laying 62 charges. Items seized were a Smith & Wesson nine-millimetre handgun, a Glock handgun, a loaded Glock handgun, another Glock handgun, oxycodone tablets, cocaine and crystal meth. We see how, in Canada, gun deaths have increased by 116% since 2015, and gang-related homicides have increased by 78%. We are facing a crisis related to organized crime.
In your testimony, you mentioned the diversion of so-called safe supply by organized crime. I'm wondering if you could expand a bit on the willingness of someone to divert the safe supply they've received. I use the expression “so-called safe supply” because of the testimony we've heard at this committee. The way this supply is being abused is resulting in more crime and chaos. As we all know, there have been over 40,000 overdose deaths since 2015.
Could you speak in practical terms about how this diversion, in your experience, plays out in your own community?
:
Thank you for that explanation.
In 2022, Bill passed. It eliminated mandatory jail time. I'm not speaking here about those who were addicted to any substance, but those involved in organized crime, those convicted of producing, importing or exporting schedule one drugs like fentanyl, meth, heroin and cocaine. The result of the elimination of mandatory jail time for those involved in this organized crime was that it made available the possibility of serving your sentence within the comfort of your own home on conditional or house arrest, rather than a period of incarceration.
Coupled with that, in 2019, Bill came into effect. It has been known as a catch-and-release system whereby judges have become increasingly likely.... It's all but a rubber stamp for someone charged with serious drug offences, including gang and gun offences, to be back out on the street to revictimize their fellow Canadians.
Can you speak a bit to the impact of the passage of that legislation and your organization's ability to disrupt the illicit drug trade?
I'm disgusted when I hear that. It's a gut punch. Deaths will only increase if that occurs, and policy that increases deaths is one hundred per cent wrong for so many reasons. It is disgusting. To have recovery, which is what they call for, as the be-all and end-all is a fantasy. They're in a fantasy world. There's a 92% chance that people will relapse. That's the be-all and end-all. When that happens, as I said, they have to go to organized crime.
Until we address the reality of toxic drugs being supplied by organized crime, you can have this meeting for years to come, the police chief can keep putting people in jail—there will always be people to put in jail—we'll just keep spending billions of tax dollars, and our kids will keep dying.
:
Thank you so much for your answer.
[Translation]
My next question is for you, Ms. Brière‑Charest. If we had more time, I'd try to figure out if we're related, but I'm going to ask you another question instead.
During your opening remarks, you mentioned the importance of evaluating and analyzing the social determinants and aggravating factors. You also recommended clarifying the social determinants of health and the social and health inequalities specific to the use of psychoactive substances and the overdose crisis, taking into account provincial, regional and local distinctions.
Can you elaborate on that for us?
:
Yes, the social determinants of health are closely linked to several aspects of the overdose crisis. For example, research is starting to show links to difficult socio-economic conditions. Housing is one thing that's hugely problematic across Canada right now, as you know. There are also links to poverty and mental and physical illness. These factors combine to exacerbate substance use problems.
Many factors are involved. In Quebec, the Comité Maison de chambres de Québec, a last bastion against homelessness for some, can no longer meet the need. Unfortunately, various social coexistence issues may have more to do with these social determinants than with drug use per se. That's on top of the shortage of spaces in places that house these people.
It's important to address all these aspects of the problem to get a comprehensive understanding of the crisis. Witnesses have said as much today. People's basic needs must be met, and there has to be access to treatment and follow-up, as well as ongoing research on that.
I first want to thank our witnesses for being here.
Mr. and Mrs. Hedican, I know our condolences are little comfort to you, but please know that they come from.... I share your anger. I share your frustration as someone who has witnessed my brother on the street for far too long gripped in this crisis. I lost a brother-in-law to overdose.
While we may differ in our views, I can tell you that my frustration lies with the billions of dollars that have been spent, yet we still continue to lose people like my brother-in-law, your son and nephew. I just want you to know that I share your anger and frustration. I think that we should be doing this in a better way.
I will direct my questions to Chief Truong.
Chief Truong, British Columbia has walked back their decriminalization experiment. We had retired RCMP superintendent Wright here a couple of weeks ago. He said that the decriminalization experiment was the worst public policy decision in B.C.'s history when it comes to crime and disorder. Would you agree with that?
Would you agree that if London were to go forward with decriminalization, it would increase crime and disorder in your community?
:
Dr. Vogel, I'm so glad you're here. I've been wanting to have somebody come and talk about the Swiss model for a long time.
I think what we're observing in this room today is a microcosm of the debate about safe supply, where we have the Hedicans passionately advocating for safe supply because it's a toxic drug supply that's killing people, and on the other hand, we have Chief Truong talking about diversion and the concern that diversion creates this very cheap supply of narcotics that may be the entry-level narcotics.
I've certainly heard this, for example, from B.C. psychiatrists who deal with the population on the streets. I asked them why kids start on Dilaudid, and they said, “Well, they're cheap.” The price went from $20 at one time, and after safe supply came in, it was one dollar, whereas a joint is five dollars on the street. What are you going to get, the joint or the Dilaudid?
You start on Dilaudid. No, Dilaudid doesn't kill you, but the problem with narcotics is you get used to them and you have to go to something stronger. That's what's happening, and the concern is people are selling the Dilaudid and then using fentanyl, and it's the fentanyl that kills people.
What's the answer to balance these? I think, in large part, it's what the Swiss do.
Dr. Vogel, do you agree that the whole basis of the Swiss model is observed treatment? For the vast majority of people who are on stronger drugs like heroin, they're not going to be okay with oral pills anyhow, so you give them an injectable, but they have to come in and take it there. The vast majority of the HAT program is observed treatment. Is that correct?
:
You are completely right. There are no open drug scenes anymore. Last year, they really opened up because of crack cocaine, but this is a different issue.
In terms of heroin and opioids, we do not have an open drug scene. We have no public use, so this is not a problem. I think this is attributable to heroin-assisted treatment and the massive scale of heroin-assisted treatment that I hinted at in my opening statement.
The other thing is we also introduced other services such as supervised consumption services, housing and things like that. There are several measures, but I want to point out that with all of these measures, it's a complex issue. We heard that today and we have to come together.
One major part of it, as a physician, I think, is treatment.
:
Thanks very much, Chair.
I'd like to continue on the route that Dr. Powlowski was on. I think it's important to correct some misconceptions that we've heard here in this committee.
For instance, opioid agonist therapy and witness dosing, as Dr. Powlowski talked about, obviously is not the same thing as not having a therapeutic relationship with an individual who uses drugs and simply sending them home with 30 tablets of eight-milligram Dilaudid.
Dr. Vogel, I'll start with you, sir, if I may.
During your time in participation in the Swiss model, was that type of safe supply ever trialed in Switzerland, just giving patients eight-milligram tablets of Dilaudid in significant quantities?
:
I would say that it's a spectrum of therapy that is available, and on the very basic end of opioid agonist therapy is the provision of medication, but as I pointed out, I think a lot more has to be offered in this therapy, like you said, housing, but also psychiatric treatment, treatment of concurrent psychiatric disorders and other options.
I want to make clear. I know that you're a physician, right? You're a general physician.
Mr. Stephen Ellis: Yes.
Dr. Marc Vogel: A lot of the treatments here are done by general physicians, but those are the more stable patients. They have a long and ongoing relationship with their GP. That works fine. You can do take-home for most of them. It will work fine.
We also have specialized institutions that are responsible for, let's say, the patients with more problems, with the psychiatric problems and with comorbidities. We also have a large scale of these institutions that treat about 45% of patients. The rest are treated in GP practices.
:
Thank you very much, Dr. Vogel.
I think it's important out there that Canadians understand that those treatment beds and those other supports do not exist in Canada. I think the other important point is, that, as I said, simply giving people who are actively struggling with addiction Dilaudid eight-milligram tablets—30 of those at a time—realistically amounts to palliative care: “Please go out and use those as you wish or sell them in a diversion manner.” We also know that that's not terribly helpful.
Certainly, the model you're talking about, in the parlance here in Canada historically with methadone, we would understand that people develop a therapeutic relationship with practitioners and then have that ability for, as we call it here, “carries” or take-home doses, when they become more stable in their addiction and have that therapeutic relationship.
I think one of the other things—and certainly I know you'll correct me if I'm wrong—is that fentanyl has not been a significant problem in Europe. Is that a true statement, Dr. Vogel?
:
I wouldn't say for all of Europe. There are countries where it's a problem.
In Switzerland, it hasn't been a problem yet. We have nitazenes just arriving on the scene, which are similarly potent to fentanyl or more potent. We will have to adjust our treatment.
This is what I pointed out in my last comment. I think that where there's no evidence, you have to collect evidence. This is something that the Swiss did as well. They did a large study on heroin-assisted treatment, which showed that it worked and was cost-effective.
This is probably something that we would do if the nitazenes arrive on a larger scale. It's that we would start treating with higher potency opioids like fentanyl, because we know that methadone is not a good medication for many patients, and patients need to be able to choose from a variety of available substances. Heroin—pharmaceutical heroin—is among them and it's very strong. You can inject it, but for patients with fentanyl use, maybe even this is not enough and we have to provide fentanyl for these patients in the context of a treatment.
Thank you to all of the witnesses.
I offer my sincere condolences to you, Mr. and Ms. Hedican, on the loss of your son.
My first question is for you.
Can you talk about the stigma around those struggling with addiction? What kinds of programs do you think could be run that are designed around awareness? Then, if someone has a problem, how can they use the pathway of harm reduction?
:
There are two things I'm very passionate about.
I believe there has not been enough research looking into neurobiological components and treatment methods. Research for addiction has been very low. As we said in our speech, the model for AA is based on “just don't use”. However, we would never say to anybody who has cancer or diabetes, “Just don't eat the sugar. Then you won't have a problem.” We look at all the different ways. I would say that research really needs to be improved.
We have shared Ryan's story in a PowerPoint with schools, nurses and all sorts of people so they understand it's not a choice. It's about educating people and reducing the stigma over consuming a substance. It does not mean you are a bad person. People who smoke cigarettes are addicted. Nicotine is highly addictive. Some treatment methods are medical, but nobody ever—now—shames people who smoke. If we can present it from a medical perspective with the neurobiological components of what's happening, and let people know that substance use is a normal thing that happens....
How do you have a healthy relationship with yourself? How do you acknowledge that your consumption of whatever you choose is not healthy, then understand where to go to get help? Our doctor was not able to provide help to Ryan when he needed it, so it's not just about educating users. It's also the education of people who provide support so they understand people don't choose to be addicted.
However, I also want to say that I feel the media portrays people who use substances as causing difficulties, since they are very visible right now when unhoused. That's not the math. That's not the vast majority of substance users. Those users cannot support the billion-dollar industry that organized crime has. There are so many other substance users, and we don't acknowledge that.
I have a question for Ms. Brière‑Charest, but before I get to that, I'd like to pick up on something I just heard from Chief Truong that's bothering me.
Mr. Truong, you answered a question earlier about decriminalization. You're a law enforcement expert, so I'm assuming that you're not confusing legalization, decriminalization and diversion. However, you said that, when people use drugs in an inappropriate place, there's no municipal bylaw that allows you to intervene, because of decriminalization. However, decriminalization is only about simple possession. It means a person won't be taken to the police station and put through the judicial process. That doesn't stop you from enforcing the basic rules of order in your city.
Don't you have that power, contrary to what you just said?
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That question gets bigger with each day because there isn't anybody here talking about the people who aren't addicted. There are kids who are dying. It's like they don't exist. It's the people who aren't ever going to go to recovery who are dying and don't exist to you. I don't understand how you can ignore these lives that are being lost in the thousands and will continue to be lost. It's like they don't exist to you.
You're failing in your responsibility to protect all Canadians. It's a gut punch every day to know there are five to seven in B.C. and 22 in our country. You're not dealing with the majority of them. You're not acknowledging it. It's a gut punch.
Our government is failing in its responsibility. We need to quit talking about atrocities in other countries because there's one in our goddamn country. There are 22 people who are going to die today, and the majority of them are not addicted. They're not talking about safe supply, and you're not acknowledging it.
Until we deal with the toxic drugs supplied by organized crime, you're failing in your responsibility to protect all Canadians. Do your jobs.
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Right now, if we were to arrest based on the circumstances, our officers have the availability to arrest, seize the drugs and release unconditionally.
The second option our officers have is to arrest and charge when appropriate, seize those drugs according to evidence and put those individuals or that individual before the courts.
We recognize that we only want to put them before the court when it is appropriate and, in some circumstances, it is necessary to put them before the courts. In some cases, putting them before the courts is an opportunity for them to receive care in that capacity. A lot of the times when our officers are engaging—we are looking at this right now—are there other options for community to be involved and engaged and to support that individual?
There are circumstances where our officers have to engage for public safety purposes, and circumstances will dictate either court or other avenues of care.
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I want to thank all the witnesses today for some really important testimony.
Dr. Vogel, I would like to start with you. I would guess that you're familiar with the 2008 NAOMI trial, which attempted to assess who would be the best candidates for heroin-assisted treatment in the Canadian context. Briefly, that study quoted that “long-term, chronic opioid injectors with severe health and social problems, and several previous addiction treatment attempts” would be among those candidates. It also pointed out that the participants are largely “polydrug users with cocaine being the second most popular drug of choice, after heroin.”
That was in 2008, so times have changed, but I would venture that this remains, as I think you suggested, an underused treatment in Canada. It's a struggle to get funding and general support for this treatment as well as local production, as in the case of Fair Price Pharma in the Downtown Eastside.
Does this patient description match who is accessing treatment in Switzerland? What do you think we are missing in our approach, apart from perhaps a massive scale-up in this treatment?
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Well, I'm not an expert on prevention. I'm an expert on treatment.
In Switzerland, we have very few young people initiating opioid use. We think part of it, and I tried to explain that before, is that the scale-up of treatment has made it very clear that it's quite dangerous to use opioids. There's a high risk you'll overdose, and you'll get addicted. There is also a high risk that you will end up in treatment.
I'm not sure whether that can be said for Canada with the treatment option I'm aware of, but in Switzerland, it's very clear. If you have an opioid addiction, you have to go into treatment. This is very unattractive. We are sure that this is part of what has been preventive. What has also been preventive is that, obviously, less opioids are being sold on the streets, because we provide more effective treatment than is done in other places.
I also think that most adolescents are aware of the dangers. They could probably get codeine, things like that, but it's harder to get, for example, pharmaceutical heroin on the streets. That's clear.
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Thanks very much for that.
One of the interesting things, of course, is, as we talk a bit about the fact that in Switzerland, fentanyl is really not a so-called drug of choice, it does make the Canadian environment a little bit different. I think that bears repeating.
The other things that are incredibly important are that the scientific studies that have been done with respect to treatment are all really based on witness dosing, or at the minimum, opioid agonist therapy. Certainly, your idea that there are requirements for a multitude of different substances will help tailor treatment uniquely to the individual. Here in Canada, certainly methadone has fallen out of favour, although it's been used in treatment for a very long time.
As we look at, and as Mr. Hedican talked about, the NDP-Liberal government is failing at its job here having presented safe supply without any supports to go with it. It's a travesty. As we begin to potentially look to form the next government, we really need to look at other things in terms of prevention, resilience, continued disruption and quality rehab. Those kinds of things, coupled obviously with housing, are what Canadians need to wrap their minds around in looking at how we can make the system better in Canada.
Dr. Vogel, do you have any final words on how we might improve things here in Canada? If you're not familiar enough with the system here to comment on that, that's fine.
I'm going to go straight to the chief.
This is based on some of the questions that you've received in our committee, as well as the comment that you made around not being able to arrest our way through the crisis, and the context of our community, the city of London, which has experienced many of these overdoses over the last decade, even in places like the jails.
I'm curious to know, if we were to remove the current crisis of toxic drug use from the streets today, do you think there would be other drugs that would pop up on the streets?
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Appropriately, given Mr. Hedican's remarks, I'm going to go where he wants to go, which is the casual user. We haven't been addressing that. Yes, we're talking about long-term addicts, but how about the very many people—which sounds like your son—who use on and off? You also hear stories about one pill and a kid or someone like a hockey player. There's one pill and they die.
I think that's really hard to deal with and to find a solution for. I think it has to be one of our reports, but....
What you're seemingly suggesting, Mr. Hedican, is legalizing safe supply. You go and buy your booze and you buy some narcotics there, too, but it would have to be cheap enough. With marijuana, there's still a black market for marijuana because it's cheaper on the street than it is in the marijuana stores. Similarly, with narcotics, there would be a black market, so you'd have to make it cheap. Then wouldn't you run the risk of people, like my kids, who are going to buy beer, so maybe they'll buy some narcotics, then they get addicted to the narcotics and it's created a bigger social problem with this large population of addicted people?
I don't know. I mean, if you have suggestions, this is a really important topic, so I give you the floor and probably the last few minutes.
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There are more people with alcohol problems than there are with cancer according to the U.S. Surgeon General. One of the things I'll go back to is the question of what we need to do. We need to talk about realities.
In 2016, when Ryan was waiting to get into the Last Door, we needed to find him heroin until he could be able to detox. There were about 43 drug houses in our community that the police had said.... You don't see it, so you think it's not there. Because it's there doesn't mean you have to use it. It is already there. It's in all of your neighbourhoods. It's not in just what you think of as a drug house. It goes all the way through society.
That's where my heart started. I didn't want any of my children to use substances, ever. That's not reality. Even the stigma of, “I saw a drug deal,” how about, “I saw somebody get what they need.” There's no stigma, move on. Rather than, “I saw two people holding hands who were the same sex,” move on. Educate yourselves.
In Quebec, the addiction services network is well established. I would even say that a consensus is emerging among all the people and organizations working on the front lines, as well as in terms of prevention, research and treatment. The general idea is to focus on making a range of resources available.
I want to build on the comments about harm reduction services and give you a personal example. The last time I dealt with an overdose, the person was not addicted to opiates, but still needed three doses of naloxone. The individual was informed of the risks, but still needed our support, without which they would probably have died in the middle of the night in an alley.
Maintaining all these services for all these at-risk people is therefore essential. We also need to radically increase prevention measures alongside those interventions.