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I call this meeting to order.
Welcome to meeting number 143 of the House of Commons Standing Committee on Health.
In accordance with our routine motion, I'm informing the committee that all remote participants have completed the required connection tests in advance of the meeting.
Pursuant to Standing Order 108(2) and the motion adopted on November 8, 2023, the committee is resuming its study of the opioid epidemic and toxic drug crisis in Canada.
I'd like to welcome our panel of witnesses. Here in person we have Dr. Erin Knight, associate professor in the departments of psychiatry and family medicine at the University of Manitoba. Online we have Lorraine Brett, assistant editor with The New Westminster Times, and Dr. Daniel Vigo, associate professor at the University of British Columbia.
I'd like to thank you all for taking the time to appear today. As I expect you've been informed, you will have up to five minutes for your opening statements.
We'll begin with you, Ms. Brett. Welcome to the committee. You have the floor.
:
Thank you very much for this opportunity.
My name is Lorraine Brett. I've lived in New Westminster, B.C., since 1994, where I raised three boys with my husband David. I'm here to address the devastating mental illness, overdose and homelessness crisis facing this country.
For the better part of 20 years, my now 40-year-old son Jordan lived on the streets of New Westminster and Vancouver's Downtown Eastside as a drug-addicted, homeless, mentally ill man. It was 20 years of living hell.
He survived 12 overdoses. He would be rushed to New Westminster's Royal Columbian Hospital, only to be discharged to the streets a short time later.
When addicts face death, there is often a moment of clarity. They want to stop the nightmare. I will never forget the agony of listening to my son outside of RCH emergency, saying through tears, “I don't want to die.”
To get into a recovery bed in B.C., you need to first go through detox, but detox typically has two to three weeks of waiting or more, and clients have to call every day, which is hard to do if you don't have a phone. Jordan overdosed and was revived twice while on that wait-list.
There is an illusion often fostered by misleading government PR campaigns that addiction care is available for those who want it when they want it. Well, this is not true.
I saw calamity erupt on the streets during COVID when the discreet access to safe supply rolled out to homeless addicts like a sick sideshow circus. The endless drug use saw human beings like my son devolve to the level of animals from excess use. Worst of all, COVID reduced the number of recovery beds, detox beds and shelter beds. It was such a horrifying catch-22 for the street-entrenched mentally ill, who are the most vulnerable and are helpless without anyone to champion their dignity and their intention to get off drugs.
Safe supply and the legalization of hard drugs creates an inferno. It's a deeper level of hell. It stalks, traps and incinerates lives.
Our son is doing much better. How could this be?
Here are some things that did not in any way help our son: slick government marketing campaigns about ending stigma, safe supply, decriminalization and social justice activists calling to dismantle systems of oppression.
Here's what worked: involuntary treatment in locked facilities, appropriate antipsychosis medications administered in a controlled environment, psychiatrists willing to use the B.C. Mental Health Act to commit those suffering from psychosis and addiction, and the availability of a bed in an appropriate facility.
In 2006, I helped found the New Westminster Homelessness Coalition Society. I spent five years there, helping to launch a pilot project for services that are still operating today, such as wraparound services for the hardest to house.
Many wonderful people are working on the front lines of this crisis, but I've spent enough time in this system to know the difference between an expensive, professional media relations campaign and actual results.
For example, in B.C., a new recovery and psych facility called Red Fish was opened on the Riverview lands. Those ribbons were cut and the government fuelled media fanfare and trumpeted great press. Unfortunately, the public is mostly unaware that Red Fish was just a replacement for the aging Burnaby mental health and addictions facility, where our son spent three months. No new beds were created.
Where are all the new beds? Thousands more are needed, not a few hundred sprinkled across the country, here and there.
Here's my request of all of you. Stop trying to change the channel by pointlessly boosting expensive anti-stigma campaigns and safe supply rhetoric. Stigma has nothing to do with the overdose crisis. It's just a cynical PR strategy to make the public think they're causing overdose deaths through the way they think and talk about addicts, and that is nonsense.
There is no such thing as safe supply. Stigma does not kill. Drugs do.
The myth is that if it were not for stigma, addicts would be rushing to access the care they need and safe drugs. That's a fabrication. There is not enough care available for those who already actively seek it.
Jordan was an innocent, happy kid a mom could be proud of. He was a football star, a standout, an all around athlete and a hard-working, focused student, and then it all went south.
Alcohol led to pot, which led to crack, which led to meth, which then got mixed with fentanyl. Jordan does not want to be a drug user. He works incredibly hard to stay off drugs. He has just celebrated a year clean.
Here are some concrete recommendations for you.
Prioritize those simultaneously suffering from addiction and psychosis. Dramatically expand the use of mental health laws to incarcerate and treat dual-diagnosis persons. Dramatically accelerate the opening of thousands of beds in secure facilities. It's an emergency. Take it on as an emergency. Find those facilities. Procure the land. Make the construction happen.
For those who are addicted and not psychotic, but who present with such psychotic symptoms as paranoia, remand them to care involuntarily. If the psychotic behaviour disappears, well, then, let them transfer into voluntary treatment facilities.
Now, for sure, expand tenfold the number of detox beds and expand tenfold the number of treatment beds in Canada.
Thank you very much for listening to me today.
As mentioned, I am an associate professor in the departments of psychiatry and family medicine. I am the medical lead of the provincial rapid access to addictions medicine clinics in Manitoba, and I hold several other leadership roles in addition to practising clinical addiction medicine and family medicine.
While I am speaking today as an individual, I am also the president of the Canadian Society of Addiction Medicine. Some of my comments are drawn from CSAM’s submitted brief.
I will note that any response to this complex crisis will need to be multi-faceted and responsive to the needs of all people who use drugs. However, my recommendations will focus on those with substance use disorder.
I will begin with a story that, although fictional, is a compilation of real events. Angela is a single mother. Her partner, Alex, was incarcerated for drug-related charges at a time when they were both using fentanyl. Alex went through severe opioid withdrawal and was denied treatment. Angela sought help and was started on buprenorphine and naloxone. She did well and was excited to move forward with her family. Sadly, Alex died of drug poisoning a few weeks after his release, due to a loss of opioid tolerance while in custody and his untreated opioid use disorder.
Angela has remained stable, but at our last visit told me that she needs to taper off her medication. She feels she can better support her kids while working than she can on social assistance. However, when she starts earning income, she’ll lose her medication coverage, and she can't afford to pay for it. Unfortunately, her chances of long-term success are low, and I am afraid that she will join the over 47,000 Canadians who have already died of drug poisoning since 2016, leaving her kids with both parents lost to the opioid epidemic.
My first recommendation is for the federal government to support national decriminalization of drugs for personal use. While the outcomes from the Oregon and Vancouver pilots have been poor and those pilots have already begun to be scaled back, accompanied by escalating calls for involuntary treatment, it's important that we not discount the idea of decriminalization based on flawed policies.
A key component to successful decriminalization, as evidenced in Portugal, is assessment and direction to treatment for people with problematic substance use. This element of dissuasion has been missing in North American efforts and must be combined with a scale-up of on-demand, evidence-based treatment prior to rollout.
Rather than jumping from decrim without any enticement for change all the way to implementation of involuntary treatment, we should focus on the middle ground, using well-constructed decrim policy to encourage voluntary or minimally coercive use of accessible, evidence-based treatment. Had Alex been offered treatment instead of incarceration, he might still be alive today to see his kids grow.
My second recommendation is for the federal government to establish a task force to develop and enact a national action plan for addressing substance-related harms. There is far too much variability in access to evidence-based care across regions, including between provinces and between urban and rural or remote locations. This is particularly evident in areas where jurisdictional issues between federally and provincially funded services lead to gaps in care, including incarcerated populations and indigenous communities.
Going back to our story, had Alex been incarcerated in Alberta instead of Manitoba, he would likely have been offered treatment because of differences in the provincial correctional policies.
The third and more straightforward recommendation calls for universal coverage of medications to treat opioid use disorder, which will not only save the lives of people like Angela, but also support them to work, with fewer barriers. Specifically, buprenorphine products and methadone, which are the first-line treatments for opioid use disorder, should be prioritized for immediate inclusion on a national pharmacare formulary, with further consideration of alternative agents. Additionally, injectable naltrexone should be prioritized for Health Canada approval and included on the pharmacare formulary once available.
In conclusion, an effective response to the opioid epidemic and toxic drug crisis will be multi-faceted by necessity and must include expanded support for people with substance use disorder as one component. In developing this urgent response, we also need to deliberately combat stigma and divisiveness, recognizing that people who use drugs are our family, our friends and our community members, and they deserve care.
Thank you for your attention. I'm happy to take questions.
The situation in which we find ourselves in Canada and B.C. has been described by Ms. Brett and the previous speaker. The question is why. How can we move forward in improving those outcomes?
In 2013 the chief of police and the Vancouver mayor called a press conference declaring a mental health crisis. There were about 300 people with severe mental illness, polysubstance use disorders and acquired brain injury who were displaying some of the situations that have now overwhelmed our communities. The chief of police and the mayor asked the health system to please take care of it: “We are unable to do it. We are police officers.”
Why is it that in the past 10 years in Vancouver, we went from 300 to 10 times that, and to 100 times that for those at risk of suffering those severe illnesses?
There were three main causes for that. The first one was the 2012 closure of Riverview Hospital without a replacement. The replacement should have been sufficient community services and sufficient inpatient beds to provide treatment, mostly voluntary treatment but at times involuntary treatment, as needed.
The second reason was the technological revolution that happened. As with every technological revolution, it took society by surprise. That technological revolution was the backyard production of cheap synthetic opiates at scale, with precursors that are impossible to stop and cheap to obtain. They allow anyone with entrepreneurial instincts and no ethical boundaries to transform $1,000 into $1,000,000 by creating the tragedy we're seeing.
It has happened in many areas of human experience that technological revolutions have had an impact like this. Moore's Law for microchips predicted that every two years the potency of the computational power of chips would double. Well, morphine in the hands of these entrepreneurs has led to a hundred times more powerful fentanyl and to ten thousand times more powerful carfentanil. When that happens, nature is transformed by these molecules. Our brains are transformed. The ability of these drugs to produce addiction while at the same time damaging the brain and preventing people from recovering and engaging voluntarily in treatment has been overwhelming.
The third cause for this situation was that, as was highlighted by the previous speakers, a group of patients was particularly vulnerable—patients with severe mental illness who were exposed systematically to these synthetic drugs. By the way, it's not only opiates; it's also the synthetic stimulants, the crystal meths of the world and the new combinations of every drug that now contaminates the illicit drug supply. For people with severe mental illness, the systematic exposure to these drugs generates acquired brain injury. That acquired brain injury has generated a new clinical triad that is now the norm in our cities. We were unprepared for it, because it didn't exist to the scale, severity and complexity that we're seeing.
I'm a psychiatrist in an assertive community treatment team. We are interdisciplinary teams who treat these patients in the community—finding them where they are; finding the homeless housing; finding them an adequate inpatient bed when they need it, and ED visits just for the time they need it; giving them involuntary care when they are unable to seek it out themselves; and pulling them out of involuntary care the minute they are able to regain their ability to engage and the mental impairment is treated by the adequate combination of psychiatric medication and ACT.
These three things have created a blind spot in most of our societies, in most of our communities.
How do we fix this? Since June of this year, I've been the chief scientific adviser for psychiatry, toxic drugs and concurrent disorders, and, based on a decision to develop and implement evidence-based policy, we have access to all the provincial data. We know the number of beds, FTEs, psychiatrists, GPs, nurses and social workers that are needed, and our recommendations have to do with many of the things that have been said by the two speakers before. There's a thread of agreement in our three testimonies that I would like to highlight.
We need streamlined access to life-saving pharmaceuticals, including the ones that were mentioned right before me, like depot naltrexone and naloxone, but we also need to simplify the use of clozapine, which is a life-saving drug for these patients, and there's a lot of red tape around its use.
We encounter people we need to provide involuntary care to in several situations. I was an ED physician for a couple of years, and if we had someone who had suffered a concussion with loss of consciousness, and we were assessing them and saw that they were confused and said, “No, I'm going to go home and sleep it off,” we could not allow that to happen. That can happen through a different act than the Mental Health Act, but it is the same type of situation.
If we stay closer to home and you have a patient with a manic episode who tells you they want to go get on a plane to Vegas and so on, and you see they are in an episode of psychosis and agitation, again, you cannot let them go as they will. You need to treat them, because there is treatment for that.
Very similarly, we know that in this clinical triad, the effect of synthetic opioids on the brain decreases the volume of the brain. The more the brain is damaged, the higher the risk of overdose, so there's a vicious circle there that eventually leads you near cognitive disorder, not unlike the one we see due to vascular disease or other forms of dementia.
The Mental Health Act that we have in B.C. allows us, and even requires us, to treat people when they have a state of mental impairment meeting certain stringent criteria. That state of mental impairment is something we find very frequently with people who are acutely affected by the combination of a severe mental illness with either a substance-use disorder or a neurocognitive disorder that is the product of acquired brain injury.
Does that mean we want to expand the use of involuntary care? No. We want to increase the options for voluntary care, which have not been sufficiently expanded so far, and as we expand options for voluntary care, we will be able to use involuntary care more precisely for the people who really need it.
In order to do that, we need to create some services that don't exist. Among them, again under the Mental Health Act, we are able to create things called “approved homes”. Approved homes are secure houses in the community where people at the most severe end of the spectrum, who require services under the Mental Health Act for long periods of time, can be housed in a safe, humane environment with one-on-one rehabilitation.
Similarly to what was said by Professor Knight, we are also creating units in correctional centres—on remand in Surrey, for example, where our patients frequently wind up because of their disturbed behaviour due to this clinical triad. Because of the Mental Health Act, they cannot receive involuntary care while they are being incarcerated, so what happens is they are put in seclusion until a bed frees up in a forensic hospital. We have now created a mental health unit in corrections where they can receive treatment the moment they need it. It will take a few months to create it, but it has been decided.
These are the types of things we're trying to do. We're trying to allow for the treatment of people who absolutely need involuntary care and create services that can provide both voluntary and involuntary care as needed, so that the overall use of the Mental Health Act will decrease, but the number of folks who need it and don't receive care will also decrease because they will receive it the moment they need it.
You pointed out the important thing about the use of buprenorphine and other psychopharmacology under the Mental Health Act. There's no restriction under the Mental Health Act of B.C. as to what a psychiatrist needs to decide is the appropriate combination of pharmacology for a person who needs it. We need to provide holistic psychiatric care, and that very frequently includes, in these types of patients, a depot antipsychotic or clonazepam and depot buprenorphine, because of the repercussions that psychosis has on behaviour if it's treated only with antipsychotics.
Thank you to all the witnesses who have appeared.
Ms. Brett, thank you for your personal testimony here today and for sharing the story of your son Jordan. I'm very happy to hear about his one year of sobriety. You certainly have added value to the meeting we're having here today.
Unfortunately, we now have data from a number of years to go back on. We see that the current approach is simply a proven failure. It's not working. In 2016 Canada had about seven overdose deaths per day. That is a terrible stat, except when you compare it with the stat now. We're exceeding 21 per day, more than a tripling of the number of deaths.
When we look at what actions have taken place, one action that this government brought in was Bill . It eliminated mandatory jail time for serious criminals who were producing and importing drugs like fentanyl, meth, cocaine and so on, the most serious drugs—schedule I drugs—in Canada. It allows these individuals to import those drugs, export those drugs, or produce those drugs, such as running a meth lab out of their own home, but then, if they are caught by the police, charged and sentenced, to serve their sentence from the comfort of their own home. I think that sends a terrible message to Canadians, because it allows for the revictimization of the most vulnerable.
I want to get your thoughts on that. In your opinion, should those who are bringing deadly drugs like fentanyl and meth into Canadian communities face more serious consequences?
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Thank you very much, MP Hanley.
I think it is really important to strike a balance there. I think the most accurate depiction of that is a curve developed by the Health Officers Council here in B.C., which was later taken up by, for example, the Canadian Drug Policy Coalition and others. When you criminalize substances, you have a high degree of harms, at both the personal level and the community level, that stem from all sorts of epiphenomena of the black markets and of all of those things, like people getting caught in the criminal system when they are using drugs or have an addiction, etc.
On the other hand, when you completely forgo any regulations and you unleash for-profit criminals to prey on people with an addiction, you have all sorts of high societal harms.
The sweet spot is somewhere in between, which is called a public health regulation approach, where you don't criminalize an illness. Addiction, mental disorders and acquired brain injury are, of course, illnesses that should be treated, but at the same time the societies and the communities in which we live require the laws to be respected by everyone.
There isn't a contradiction between making care available as needed and demanding and enforcing respect for those rules of interaction between individuals. I believe that this is exactly the sweet spot we need to continue aspiring to, where people using drugs are not criminalized, but other actions that are defined as criminal by our Criminal Code are enforced and receive the societal approach that we reserve for them.
Does that answer the question?
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That refers to the B.C. Mental Health Act, which indicates that when someone requires detention under section 22 of the Mental Health Act, then that person can receive treatment under section 31. That treatment needs to be psychiatric treatment.
Now, for a while there has been a lot of confusion and back-and-forth as to what psychiatric treatment means and what can be provided under section 31 of the Mental Health Act.
What I was indicating is that once someone meets criteria for the Mental Health Act, meaning they have a mental impairment that results in their inability to take care of themselves—with physical and mental deterioration, risk to self and others—and there is a treatment that could help them, but the person is unable to comply or engage with it, then you can provide the treatment as a psychiatrist under section 31. That treatment needs to be psychiatric treatment, meaning that you cannot, for example, say that this person has a psychotic syndrome because they have a brain tumour, so you're going to indicate brain surgery under section 31. No, you need to provide things that are under the specialty of psychiatry, which means any psychopharmacological approach, including, for example, a combination of antipsychotic medication and buprenorphine.
The distinction here is on buprenorphine or any other psychopharmacological approach that is within psychiatry and its subspecialty, such as addiction psychiatry. The distinction is important, because many of our patients with severe mental illness and substance use disorder do require a combination of these two, and other medications and other psychotherapeutic approaches. That is what I call holistic psychiatric treatment—something that can be provided voluntarily 99% of the time and involuntarily when needed, and can address the person as a whole.
Does that make sense?
Yes. You know, Jordan has never seen himself as an addict. He was a football star. He was an amazing athlete on many fronts. He was also using drugs quite early, at age 14—pot, alcohol. It was known to the school system that this was the case, and they placed him in a special after-school program, which he aged out of.
Now, when he looks back, he claims that was an effective way for him to manage the impulses he was feeling at that age. It's such a shame that there was no alternative and continuing program.
For him, with 26 treatment engagements and most failing, we were perplexed beyond belief, but the fact that those treatment centres existed was a reprieve from the street for him, in a way, and potentially saved his life. It helped him to accrue clean time.
We're really grateful for what existed at the time when he needed it, but he was undiagnosed with a severe mental illness in spite of engaging with mental health routinely. This is a crime in itself. I'm not saying it's a “crime” crime. It's just a sad reality of inefficient resources applied to him.
I'm not sure if I've answered your question.
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Don't abandon your children. There is always hope. When it's the bleakest, when it's the darkest, go alongside them. Walk in their shoes.
Walk beside them, see what they see and know what they know. Bring them into whatever facility and support there can be, where there's dialogue, where there's a counsellor, where there's someone who can become a listening post and who can generate whatever resources are available. It's the only way.
We have to pound on the door of the services available to us and bring our kids with us. Don't leave them behind. Join them in their misery, because you need to be witness to it. You need to speak when they can't. In my case, Jordan was not able to describe in any real way, except to me, privately, the terror of what he was experiencing. He couldn't express it in public or in a counselling session of any kind.
We need to be there for them, and we can see them through to a better place, along with the aid of doctors like Daniel Vigo and the change in our B.C. government's intentions here, it seems, although I have no evidence that there are going to be new and effective beds made available for involuntary care. If that were to occur, there would be a significant change.
I just pray for that day. We need it. Our children are dying.
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In our organizations, our institutions, our practices are usually that the risk-benefit analysis in the use of certain drugs leads to very stringent prescription protocols. Clozapine is one of those drugs that requires, for example, weekly venipuncture blood tests in order to check the white blood cells, because there's a very infrequent side effect, which is neutropenia, the decrease of white blood cells. If that goes undetected, some people can die.
Now, of these folks we're talking about, no one's going to die of neutropenia. No one's going to die of an undetected infection because of neutropenia. They're going to die of an overdose. For this subpopulation, the risk-benefit equation needs to change.
We are restricting accessibility by demanding those venipunctures that they cannot comply with, simply, so what we did here is that we developed a protocol by which we forgo the venipuncture and we do the dips, the point-of-care testing that can be done very easily by the ACT teams as needed.
Therefore, we can expand the availability of clozapine, but that needs a willing bureaucracy, and I say bureaucracy in a positive sense, not in a negative sense. I mean in the old sense of the way we organize our rules and our administration. A willing bureaucracy can accept this adjusted risk-benefit equation. The College of Physicians and Surgeons of BC has accepted this, and it is now approved and being rolled out.
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Thank you, Dr. Vigo and Mr. Johns.
Thanks to all of our witnesses.
Ms. Brett, your testimony was extremely personal and powerful. We wish you and Jordan every success on your journey to recovery.
To Dr. Vigo and Dr. Knight, your presentations showed great patience, professionalism and expertise, and we are grateful for that.
Thank you all for being with us.
Is it the will of the committee to adjourn the meeting?
Some hon. members: Agreed.
The Chair: We're adjourned. Thank you.