:
Good evening, everyone. I call the meeting to order.
Welcome to meeting number 82 of the House of Commons Standing Committee on Health. Today's meeting is taking place in a hybrid format, pursuant to the Standing Orders.
I would like to make a few comments for the benefit of witnesses and members.
Please wait until I recognize you by name before speaking. For those participating by video conference, click on the microphone icon to activate your mike, and please mute yourself when you're not speaking.
With regard to interpretation, for those on Zoom you have the choice at the bottom of your screen of the floor, English or French. Those in the room can use the earpiece and select the desired channel.
I will remind you that all comments should be addressed through the chair—that would be me. Additionally, screenshots or taking photos of your screen are not permitted.
In accordance with our routine motion, I am informing the committee that all remote participants have completed the required connection tests in advance of the meeting.
Pursuant to the order of reference of Wednesday, February 8, 2023, the committee is resuming its study of Bill , an act respecting pandemic prevention and preparedness.
I would like to welcome our panel of witnesses. Appearing as individuals and by video conference, we have Dr. Lisa Barrett, physician-researcher; and Patrick Taillon, professor and associate director of the Centre for Constitutional and Administrative Law Studies, faculty of law, Université Laval. Representing the Canadian Medical Association, we have Dr. Kathleen Ross, president, by video conference; and representing World Animal Protection, we have Melissa Matlow, campaign director; and Michèle Hamers, wildlife campaign manager.
Thank you for taking the time to appear today. You will each have up to five minutes for your opening statement. The order we will use will be Dr. Barrett, Mr. Taillon, Dr. Ross....
I'm unsure, so could you clarify, Ms. Matlow, whether you will do the entire five minutes? Very well.
I will remind you when you have one minute left. We're going to keep to a schedule here this evening.
That being said, thank you all for being here, and let's get the show on the road.
We'll start with Dr. Barrett.
Thank you.
:
Good evening. Thank you, Chair and the committee, for the opportunity to speak this evening, and thank you to all of you for doing after-hours work. I recognize that it's not early there.
I am an infectious diseases doctor, but I am also a clinician-researcher who does research in viral immunology, as well as the implementation of health systems related to infectious diseases. My involvement throughout this most recent pandemic, I think, is my primary reason for being here. I was involved at the municipal, provincial and federal levels in the domains of testing and the innovative generation of ways to test people for infectious diseases, particularly COVID. I was also involved in and continue to be involved in therapeutics for COVID and the delivery and different models of delivery within Nova Scotia and different provinces.
My view on the pandemic comes from there and all the biases and important information that may come.
After reviewing the bill as it stands at the moment, I'll divide my comments very quickly into three different sections. Those are the preparedness part, what we do and what we can do best in a pandemic, and then the post part, which I won't highlight as much.
To start with the prepandemic bit and predicting pandemics, I think one of the important parts that's mentioned within the bill at the moment is “one health” and the recognition that humans, while numerous, are a small part of the planet and not the most important part when it comes to predicting pandemics and pandemic disease. Recognizing there are other things that can cause pandemics and other threats, including antimicrobial resistance, pandemics are often caused by viruses that spread through the air.
One of the things we need to recognize more is that animal health is part of human health. We are one animal and we can't forget about all the others. It is noted in the bill that there should be consideration of this area, but I think it's something we've done extraordinarily poorly—not just in Canada, but in the world—and it should be a focus of the go-forward plan.
Sticking with viruses and going into a pandemic, it's important to note that there is an intersection between pandemic-potential pathogens—say that three times fast—and air, including clean air of various kinds. While the respirologists have been saying for many years that we need indoor spaces that are clean, this has highlighted the fact that when we are at a density of where we are with human populations—not just in urban areas, but in rural areas these days too—and the amount of time we spend indoors, this has to be a priority of where we go forward in how we live in terms of the cleanliness of air and what standards can be brought in to help that.
While that doesn't sound like a very infectious disease doctor thing to talk about, it is very linked to the mitigation of spread when you're talking about a country with cold weather and a lot of people.
The next part I would highlight is that we could have done a better job before and during this pandemic in understanding the patterns, pathogen disease and pathogenesis. Once we are in a situation where we have a pandemic, we really seem to get stuck many times in what the usual is, what the previous normal was and understanding what respiratory viruses are. Clearly, we don't understand that well, and I think we need to be very careful that in any bill that comes forward, we highlight that.
That's research and understanding viruses, and having a high standard for vaccine studies after they're marketed. There's a lot we don't understand about the variability of responses in humans. Some people respond well and some people don't, and we need to really hold to account companies and people doing vaccine marketing after the vaccines come to market, or we're not going to get far quickly.
I'll hold the rest of my comments until later.
Thank you for the opportunity.
I would first like to thank the members of the committee for this invitation to testify about Bill .
Right from the outset, I'd like to share three criticisms of the bill.
First, it's an unnecessary bill in many ways; second, it distracts us from the real issue; and third, it contravenes the principle of federalism and provincial jurisdiction in the health field.
First of all, it is unnecessary, to some extent, because it aims to set up a preventive bureaucracy. Cabinet members, along with senior federal government officials, already have all the latitude they need to assess, forecast and anticipate the next crisis. It's already their role to do so. They don't need legislation to do it. It's already part of their job description.
Next, it's a bill that distracts us from the real issue, which is the need to take stock of federal action during the last pandemic. It seeks to anticipate the next crisis on all fronts, including those outside federal jurisdiction, rather than focusing on the important issues. Why was the federal government so slow to shoulder its responsibilities during the COVID-19 crisis? Why was it so slow to manage border controls, which are its responsibility? Why was border quarantine so slow to be established? Why did cities like Montreal have to try to make up for the federal government's shortcomings? Why were the maritime provinces forced to create borders within Canada to compensate for federal inaction? Why was the slowness in establishing rules and procedures to manage the crisis accompanied by a delay in withdrawing the measures at the end of the crisis? Why was the federal government always two or three steps behind?
The bill's ambition to coordinate everything is very unhealthy. It's a distraction. It deprives the federal government and its administration of a critical examination of its own action. Above all, the bill clashes with federalism and the provinces' common law jurisdiction in health matters. It is the manifestation of a centralizing intention, of the idea that everything would be better managed if it were coordinated from above. This standardizing ambition is clearly evident. It is evident, for example, in paragraph 4(2)(c), which states that care must be taken, with the provincial governments, to “align approaches and address any jurisdictional challenges [...].”
“Align” means everyone doing the same things, which is a euphemism for saying that we're really trying to standardize everything. To “standardize” is to deprive ourselves of the contribution of grass-roots initiatives, and of the freedom and autonomy that have made it possible for certain provinces within the federation to do well, and for others to imitate them. If we centralize and standardize everything, that means that, in the next crisis, the mistakes we make at the top will be made uniformly across Canada. This is the opposite of the spirit of autonomy and freedom that federalism implies.
The same section also mentions “the collection and sharing of data.” Once again, this is a euphemism for a form of accountability in which the provinces are required to provide information in areas where they are nonetheless fully autonomous.
In closing, let me say that we shouldn't be naive. If the prevention and coordination work proposed in the bill is not really about decision-making, in that case we don't really need a bill, since the administration already has all the freedom to do the necessary reflection and coordination work. If, on the other hand, we're really looking to delegate new powers to the administration in order to coordinate and harmonize some things with the provinces, that means we're really looking to distort Canadian federalism, i.e., a federalism in which the bulk of responsibility for health care lies with the provinces.
Thank you.
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Thank you, Mr. Chair, and committee members for the invitation to testify on Bill .
I'm the campaign director at World Animal Protection. We're an international animal welfare charity with offices in 12 countries.
We conduct a lot of research on the intersectionality of animal health and welfare, environmental sustainability and human health. That research then informs our policy recommendations that we bring. Those intersections really are what “one health" is all about.
We have general consultative status with the United Nations. We have a formal working relationship with the World Organization for Animal Health and we're members of the National Farm Animal Care Council.
Joining with me today is Michèle Hamers, our wildlife campaign manager, who has an M.Sc. in animal biology and is co-author of the first published article on Canada's wildlife trade, specifically on the potential for disease risk and the lack of data and monitoring for it.
You may be wondering why an animal welfare group wants to testify on this bill. Seventy-five per cent of new and emerging infectious diseases originate in animals, principally from wildlife. It is our mistreatment of animals and exploitation of nature that is driving the frequency and severity of diseases, and it's not just us who are saying that. It is repeatedly cited in various UN reports like the report by the United Nations Environment Programme on pandemics, or the report by IPBES on pandemics, with regard to Mpox, Ebola, SARS, MERS, West Nile virus, Nipah, Zika, COVID-19.
It is widely acknowledged that a wildlife market played a significant role in the COVID-19 pandemic, whether it was originating the origins of the virus or amplifying it. These markets typically hold a variety of different animal species that wouldn't normally encounter each other in the wild. They are kept in cramped, stressful and often unsanitary conditions. These are called hotbeds for emerging diseases. When animals are stressed they become more vulnerable to infections and they become more infectious. That is why this is very much an animal welfare problem at the core.
We strongly support this bill because it takes a “one-health" approach and puts emphasis on prevention, it identifies the top pandemic drivers and requires government to address those drivers and mitigate those risks.
So often prevention is viewed as increasing surveillance and monitoring, but surveillance cannot detect asymptomatic animals that carry disease, nor does it prevent pathogen mutation and emergence. Scientists have warned that we are entering a pandemic era. If we truly want to reverse course, we must include pre-outbreak measures to prevent spillover at the human-animal-environment interface.
To quote from the IPBES report, “Without preventative strategies, pandemics will emerge more often, spread more rapidly, kill more people and affect the global economy with more devastating impact than ever before.”
Tackling the root causes of spillover is a fraction of the cost of responding to a pandemic. One study found that halting deforestation and regulating the wildlife trade could cost as little as 2% of the economic cost of responding to the COVID-19 pandemic.
It is also critically important that this bill mentions well-known pandemic drivers. These are already identified in the scientific literature by credible authorities and global agreements that Canada has committed to.
These drivers include the illegal and under-regulated legal wildlife trade, which is growing in volume, live animal markets, intensive farming methods, and land use changes. These have been identified, again, in the UNEP report and the IPBES report, which I believe are available to you.
The current draft of the World Health Organization's international pandemic instrument also mentions the need to address disease drivers including, but not limited to, climate change, land use change, the wildlife trade, desertification and antimicrobial resistance. would help Canada fulfill its obligations to this new global agreement.
The World Health Organization refers to the rise in antimicrobial resistance as the silent pandemic and one of the biggest public health concerns of the 21st century. This relates back to animal welfare because three-quarters of all antimicrobials used in Canada and around the world are given to farm animals. For decades, these preventative antibiotics have been given in the absence of clinical disease to stop stressed animals from getting sick and to facilitate intensive farming methods.
Thank you for your time.
My name is Dr. Kathleen Ross. I'm joining you from the traditional territories of the indigenous people of Treaty No. 7 and the Métis Nation of Alberta Region 3. We acknowledge and respect the many first nations, Métis and Inuit who have lived in and cared for these lands for generations.
I am a family doctor working in British Columbia. As president of the Canadian Medical Association, I represent the voices of the country's physicians and medical learners, those they care for and those who don't have access to care.
As the committee studies Bill , an act respecting pandemic prevention and preparedness, it's important to hear from those who have been on the front lines since long before COVID-19. Already caring for patients in a broken system, health care workers were submerged under deeper backlogs and even greater system impacts with each subsequent wave. Canada's response to COVID-19 must inform our plans for future pandemic preparedness and prevention strategies. Appropriate planning to support our health workforce at the outset remains critical to keeping Canada safe.
The spirit of Bill is to improve the way we prepare for the next pandemic. We welcome the proposed steps towards collaboration across jurisdictions and are pleased to see an emphasis on building primary care capacity. The language that speaks to improving working conditions for essential workers while increasing the ability of health care workers to perform their duties in a scenario of increased demands is promising. However, the stark truth is that we must focus on alleviating the significant impact the pandemic continues to have on the health workforce today. Creating a safe, robust and healthy workforce can't wait.
The heroic efforts of our health workers continue, and we are at record-high levels of burnout and exhaustion. My colleagues are demoralized and looking to exit the profession. We hope the impact on the health and wellness of health professionals will be a big part of any review and an even bigger piece of planning.
Rebuilding the trust of our health workers and Canadians is critical to pandemic preparedness. Mr. Chair, the announcement of increased health funding earlier this year was welcomed. That spending must be targeted and invested in areas that truly bolster health care systems. Canadian physicians must be able to work where the needs are greatest.
As an example, in April 2021, COVID-19 cases were surging in central Canada and many communities were pushed beyond their resources. A cadre of health care workers, including physicians from Newfoundland and Labrador, assembled quickly to help struggling communities 3,000 kilometres away. That deployment necessitated a swift and temporary lifting of the usual provincial licensing restrictions, allowing physicians to get an Ontario licence within one week.
Look at the potential of that model: A single licensing system implemented across the country can alleviate the pressure on medical workforces, serve patients in rural and remote communities, provide virtual care across provincial and territorial borders, and provide more timely access. This is critical in preparing for future pandemics. Pan-Canadian licensure can be implemented across the country, which provincial and territorial health ministers committed to last week in P.E.I. This is the time to deliver on our promise to increase access to family doctors and primary care. Scaling up collaborative, interprofessional care is central to increasing access and limiting the spread of future disease.
Physicians are overwhelmed by unnecessary administration, a lack of interoperability, third-party and federal forms, and managing large volumes of data that are often incomplete. Admin burden amounts to 18.5 million hours per year. Those hours could be transferred to better patient care and physicians' own wellness—hours we cannot afford to lose in the surge of a pandemic.
We must plan for what our health workforce may face. Gaps in the availability of timely health data are critical. We need to be able to harness data in order to contribute to the development of an integrated pan-Canadian health human resources plan. Data is necessary to understand the breadth of the myriad of health care challenges we face and to chart a sustainable course for the future. Without a transparent and accountable blueprint, we are unlikely to reach consensus on our destination.
Mr. Chair, I thank you for the committee's time today.
I'll welcome any questions the members of the committee might have.
Mr. Chair, I want to thank our witnesses for being here today.
Mr. Chair, I've been in receipt of—as I think have all of our members on this committee—a letter from 17 of Canada's leading addiction medicine physicians.
Mr. Chair, I know that the clerk is in receipt also of the motion that we tabled on Monday. With your permission, I'd like to move that motion now, Mr. Chair, as follows:
Given the recent letter, from 17 experienced Canadian Addiction Medicine physicians to the Minister of Addictions and Mental Health, calling on the government to cease funding of hydromorphone for people with addictions, that the committee recognize: (a) the substantial increase in opioid-related harms and deaths, (b) that the government’s current policies are not working, (c) that the so called “safer supply” strategy is a failure, making the opioid crisis worse, that the committee call for an immediate end to the government’s so called “safe supply” funding, and that the committee report this motion to the House.
Mr. Chair, I've been very public, very vocal and upfront about our family's own struggles with addictions and how I have a brother who lives on the street. We have struggled to get him off the street. I have gone into the dens of evil to pay off his debts, to save my brother, to save somebody whom we love.
We have rescued him in the middle of the night from a bridge, from gang members who were threatening to throw him over if he didn't pay the debt.
Two years ago he was shot twice with a shotgun in a drug deal gone bad. It was just mere days later, after saying all the right things, that he was back on the street from the draw and the pull of these drugs, with buckshot still in him, with his wounds, and with the tubes hanging out of him.
Mr. Speaker, that's how strong the pull of these drugs is.
To my colleagues across the way, we have to do better.
I get emotional talking about it. In 2016, there were 806 opioid deaths in B.C. In 2022 there were 2,410. Overdose is the leading cause of death of B.C. youth aged 10 to 18. That surpasses accidents.
We have to do better.
There are businesses in my province that are buying illicit drugs on the black market and selling them or giving them away on the street. How far have we fallen that these businesses can perpetuate somebody's addiction but we can't get that person into a bed for recovery?
If my colleagues across the way don't believe me, believe the 17 leading experts on this in our nation who wrote this:
We are a group of experienced Canadian Addiction Medicine physicians who are calling on the government to ensure that all hydromorphone prescribed to people with addiction is provided in a supervised fashion or that funding cease for this harmful practice.
Calling Unsupervised Free Government Funded Hydromorphone “Safe Supply” or “Safer Supply” does not make this practice safe. It is unsafe.
Hydromorphone is a potent opioid which is approximately 4 times more powerful than morphine when taken orally and approximately 7 times more powerful than morphine when injected. Hydromorphone and other drugs are often prescribed for “Safe” Supply at 7 to 10 times the recommended morphine equivalents per day and pose serious risks to the patient and their communities from diversion.
Unsupervised Free Government Funded Hydromorphone provided to people with addiction is causing further harm to our communities by increasing the total amount of opioids on the streets and providing essentially unlimited amounts of opioids to vulnerable people with addiction. As a result of this practice, we are witnessing new patients suffering from opioid addiction, and additional unnecessary overdoses and death.
The FDA product monograph Dilaudid (hydromorphone) states this:
“Misuse, Abuse, and Diversion of Opioids Hydromorphone is an opioid agonist of the morphine-type. Such drugs are sought by drug abusers and people with addiction disorders and are subject to criminal diversion. Dilaudid can be abused in a manner similar to other opioid agonists, legal or illicit. This should be considered when prescribing or dispensing Dilaudid in situations where the physician or pharmacist is concerned about an increased risk of misuse, abuse, or diversion.... Dilaudid has been reported as being abused by crushing, chewing, snorting, or injecting the dissolved product. These practices pose a significant risk to the abuser that could result in overdose or death.”
Unsupervised Free Government Funded Hydromorphone provides a significant source of income to people with addiction who divert their prescribed hydromorphone to the street market. There is widespread evidence that this is occurring. The money from diversion is commonly used to purchase more potent opioids such as fentanyl. While we understand the desire to minimize the morbidity and the mortality resulting from illicit fentanyl use, unlimited overprescribing of opioids is causing harm. Increased availability of opioids in communities leads to more opioid addiction.
The unmonitored provision of Free Government Funded Hydromorphone to people addicted to opioids has become widespread in large part because of government funding and support. Unfortunately, this unsafe practice has become politicized in both government and the medical field, causing harm to both public and patient suffering from opioid addiction.
The risks of Unsupervised Free Government Funded Hydromorphone prescribing include this:
1. People with addiction commonly prefer to inject hydromorphone. Injected hydromorphone creates a similar elevated risk of serious infections that all users of intravenous substances face, such as Hepatitis C, HIV, cellulitis, bacterial endocarditis, respiratory suppression, overdose, and death.
2. A large supply of free hydromorphone can make people's addictions worse and delay people from entering other treatment modalities which have been proven to be effective.
3. Diversion of prescribed hydromorphone to the illicit market is the most significant problem with Unsupervised Free Government Funded Hydromorphone. Hydromorphone tablets are sold and the funds are used to acquire more fentanyl. Paradoxically, Unsupervised Free Government Funded Hydromorphone increases access to street fentanyl for people with abdication and also increases the availability of street hydromorphone causing more people to become addicted to opioids.
We anticipate the widespread diversion of hydromorphone, now taking place from these programs, will have results similar to our experience with the OxyContin epidemic. With OxyContin, we saw how the provision of abundant amounts of powerful opioid to communities made addiction worse for those with disease and, more importantly it caused many new cases of opioid addiction.
Mr. Chair, I can see my colleague from the Liberal side laughing while I'm struggling to read this letter. Perhaps Mr. Fisher doesn't have people who have been afflicted with addiction. Perhaps he hasn't sat with the parents of those who have passed away due to overdose.
I'll continue. The final quote from this letter is this:
“Safe Supply” is a nice marketing slogan. The reality is it is not safe. It is harmful to give people addicted to opioids almost unlimited access to free opioids. It is harmful to our communities for inexpensive pharmaceutical grade opioids to be flooding our streets. We call on the government to ensure that all hydromorphone prescribed to people with opioid addiction is provided in a supervised fashion or that funding be ceased for the current harmful practice. Let’s stop diverted hydromorphone from creating more children with addiction in our Junior High and High Schools.
Mr. Chair, I read this, and it's obviously something that is.... We are gripped in an opioid crisis in our country. Canada.ca, our own government's website, under the heading “Responding to Canada's opioid overdose crisis” states, in our government's own words: “Canada is facing a national opioid overdose crisis that continues to have devastating impacts on communities and families.” Yet, we are sending taxpayer dollars to organizations that are buying illicit drugs, black market drugs, that are flooding our streets and our communities.
We're powerless to stop this. Somebody has to answer to this.
You can laugh; you're not laughing now—
:
I'll apologize to Mr. Fisher. I did see him look across the floor and say, “Hi Dan,” mockingly. I thought it was mockingly; I could be wrong. Maybe he's just acknowledging the presence of our colleague from the NDP.
You know, my family lives every day with the fact that we're going to get a call one day that my brother won't be around, that he'll take one last dose....
Let me bring it back to 2008, when I was loading my bags into my vehicle to go speak at an event overseas, and my wife opened the front doors to our house and with tears said that her brother had been found dead from an overdose. He was not an addict. He didn't use drugs. He simply was in the wrong place at the wrong time, and somebody gave him something that was laced with fentanyl. That same person wiped his phone, so there was no evidence of who was there at the time. We don't know.
I apologize for moving this emotional motion, but it hits home. Given that I'm the shadow minister for mental health and suicide prevention, I sit with so many families who ask us to do something. I don't have the answers, but I don't believe that taxpayers' dollars should be going to fund these drugs. We should be doing everything in our power to make sure that we can get somebody into a bed for recovery. Recovery is always possible. Perpetuating somebody's addiction....
In British Columbia, I believe the wait time is 18 to 24 months. One mother came to me and asked, “Why is it that my son can get drugs, but I can't get him into treatment?” If they were wealthy or rich, then they could do that, but a lot of these people come from families that can't afford treatment. In 18 to 24 months, if her son is still alive....
We know what they're doing. They're taking these drugs, and they're selling them so that they can purchase.... Oftentimes, they're selling them to students so that they can purchase the higher dose of fentanyl. We have to do something.
I apologize to the witnesses, but after reading that letter, I had to say what I said. I've stood in the House so many times and talked about this. This government and my provincial government, we as leaders are failing Canadians when it comes to this. We have to be better.
I'll cede the floor to whoever's next. Thanks.
As I said earlier, my thoughts are with my colleague. I know how important this topic is to him and his family, and the huge impact it's had on his life. It's a prime example of that. The motion he's put forward is one that addresses this aspect of things, and it's something that should be addressed in a very rapid way.
It's not like this hasn't been going on for centuries. It has, but when we look at it statistically.... For example, I will speak from a Saskatchewan point of view. When we look at 2022, we had 421 reported opioid deaths in the province of Saskatchewan. So far in 2023, the province has already had close to 200 deaths. These are huge numbers that are just escalating, because of what we're seeing around the country.
Some of it is related to the price of the product, which has become more easily accessible. We have parts of the country where we have safe havens for this, so the drug prices have dropped to almost $2 in many cases, which makes it even easier for vulnerable people to use this.
We look at small communities.... My riding of Souris-Moose Mountain is 43,000 square kilometres in size. With that said, in Saskatchewan, 47 small communities in Saskatchewan, and most of them in rural areas, have had confirmed overdoses. In fact, in one of the small towns within my riding—and I'm very well aware of the challenges that have been there—it's disgusting to hear and see some of the things that are going on.
I had a constituent who approached me on the issue. She said that her community members knew where the drug house was. They told the RCMP where it was. They asked the RCMP to go in, and the RCMP basically said, “No, we're not going into that place, because of how dangerous it is.” This lady took it upon herself—and I can tell you this, because she gave me permission to tell you this story—and went into this house on her own to confront what was going on. She saw many things that were going on to the point where she was saying that it was inappropriate. She confronted these big people who were carrying all sorts of weapons. She went from room to room. She went into one room where there was a 13 year-old-girl who was being molested at this drug-infested place. She went into this room, and tried to bring this young girl out of that room. The drug lords that were there confronted her at that point in time, and basically threatened her life. She was told to get out, or she would not be safe.
This transpires in a small community in Saskatchewan. It's going on all over this country, and it is despicable that these people are doing this and taking advantage of vulnerable people in many ways.
Looking at Saskatchewan, as I indicated, 291 humans have died from unregulated drug overdoses from January to June 2023. Motor vehicle accidents in Saskatchewan resulted in only 87 deaths. Motor vehicle accidents have fewer deaths than those from drug overdoses. That's just shocking. We know how passionate we get when we hear about motor vehicle accidents, whether it might be someone who's impaired, or just an accident where someone had a head-on collision. It is just unbelievable what we are seeing happening around this country.
It's a major factor when we look at things in Saskatchewan, and the life expectancy in our province has dropped since 1999. The average life expectancy was 78.48 years, and it's now down to 76.5 for men alone because of the deaths from drug overdoses.
These experts attribute this drop to the deaths among younger people from drug poisoning and suicide, and to the fact that there's been a 300% increase in drug toxicity deaths since 2010. That's just unbelievable. I mean, that's from 14 years ago.
Many of you may know my history, and some don't. I spent my life travelling all over the world when I was a youngster. My father was a military attaché, and we drove from Germany to Pakistan and back. We lived in Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran for three years of our lives.
I remember my time in Afghanistan. In Afghanistan and Pakistan the silk highway is where a lot of these drugs are found.
The poppy plant, which is basically the papaver somniferum, is grown quite extensively throughout Afghanistan. If anyone ever wants to come up to my office, they're more than welcome, because I have pictures of these poppy fields from when I was a teenager. Everyone thinks about the red poppy, but it transitions from many different colours.
However, the reality is that the poppy plant basically creates morphine, codeine, heroin and oxycodone. There are so many different substances out there that you'll see people smoke, sniff or inject.
In my time as a teenager, when I was travelling through that part of the world, I saw the consequences to many of the local constituents who utilized that product. As I said, that's going back to 1973, and it goes back centuries. It's been going on forever.
However, now we're seeing it here in Canada and around the world, but more so for us as we talk as parliamentarians is the huge impact it's having on our families, friends and constituents. This huge impact is from this addictive substance, and that's what it is. When we look at it, it initially was designed—and I'm speaking from a health care point of view—for its value as an anaesthetic and its value in providing pain relief and assistance.
Ultimately, however, it's been taken one step forward, and it continues to be taken one step forward, because we see continuously these safe houses that are opening up around this country, that are opening up more use and increased uses of these products. My colleague talked about how that impacts us. We see the impact it has on our families.
I spoke to you earlier about what the lady in my community saw and the impact that had on her. I've had other constituents who have come to me or phoned me and talked about how their son has become addicted. They've tried to take steps to do things to release him from that addiction and they have had challenges because their son is over 18 year of age. Because of that, the son basically gets put into a centre where he dries out for two or three days, and then when he comes back out, he's back into the same area. He has become addicted, because there are no programs to protect these people and to assist them so they don't become addicted to these products.
That has a huge impact. This lady who was telling me about her son is basically fearful for her life, because when he gets out and is released from jail—because the police will catch him when he breaks into some place to get some money so he can purchase some of these drugs—
They release him, and the moment he's out, she's fearful because he comes and threatens her and her husband, and he comes to the house and threatens to burn it down. She has all of these fears that she has to deal with. It's so unfortunate. I can't imagine, as a parent, how I would deal with it personally if it were one of my own immediate family, or even my relatives, given how impactful it can be.
This motion that my colleague has put forward is one I think we need to act on as quickly as possible. It needs to be addressed.
I apologize to the witnesses for this, but I think it's of such an urgent nature that we need to get this brought forward and we need to address this issue as quickly as we can.
I wish my colleagues around the table will see the urgency for this and be very supportive in allowing us to get this done and put it forward, so that we can take the right steps to address this issue and get it addressed as quickly as possible.
With that, Mr. Chair, I will cede the floor.
:
I understand the reluctance of the NDP to talk about the opioid crisis, given how much they've had a hand in facilitating it through their safe-supply policies for this country.
I was thinking, as I listened to my colleague Mr. Doherty's family experience with this, that there are a lot of us around the table who have virtue signalled around the question of an opioid crisis for quite some time now. We are the Standing Committee on Health. I am a rookie—a newcomer. I would imagine we would be exercised by the defining issues Canadians are being confronted with, particularly the most vulnerable Canadians.
In the aftermath, the PMB we're looking at pretends to be a review of the lockdowns. The lockdowns, COVID policies and pandemic policies we have been dealing with—which the witnesses are here to inform us about—have had massive impacts on the mental health of Canadians. Thousands of people lost their livelihoods as a result of terrible COVID policies. They have, in turn, turned to drugs.
The federal government is ready to offer up a solution with the safe supply of opioids. This Liberal-NDP coalition is obsessed with a culture of death through its policies on medical assistance in dying and safe supply. It requires leaders of conviction to step forward to confront it at this committee, in Parliament and around the country.
Mr. Doherty, I'm grateful for your courage in moving this motion.
I encourage all members of this committee to pay close heed to it.
I have a couple of reflections from my own home province of Alberta.
Seven thousand Albertans died of opioid poisoning between 2016 and 2022. That's seven thousand people. The numbers, as Mr. Doherty notes, are probably higher. This is what we know. The Alberta government and civil society have been informed by an amazing organization that is led by an individual in my riding. His name is Dr. Vause. His recovery-oriented model for victims of the opioid crisis is a force of nature. It is a holistic approach for patients and their families. It has returned 70% success for victims of opioid addiction.
This Alberta recovery-oriented system of care is something that, in our great federation, we could examine closely as a model that could be replicated everywhere. Their capacity is only about 23 patients and their families at a time. When you think about the scale of what I just described, with 7,000 people having died already, it's a scaling that cannot come urgently enough. Replicated properly, it will take a year or two to get teams of people deployed in places around the country.
In London, Ontario, because of the safe-supply policies of the Liberal-NDP coalition, the price of hydromorphone has gone from $20 to $2. They're flooding the market and killing Canadians. It requires us to examine this issue with the gravity it deserves, so we can bring home our loved ones drug-free.
Mr. Chair, I want to thank Mr. Doherty for raising these issues, and for the opportunity to reflect not just on what we're seeing in Calgary but also on the price we've experienced in Alberta.
I encourage members of this committee to take this as seriously as a heart attack and elevate it to the place it deserves in consideration of our public life in Parliament.
Thank you very much.
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Fisher.
As we all know, this is a dilatory motion, which will of course mean that we will not have debate on this and we will have a vote immediately.
All those in favour of Mr. Fisher's motion?
(Motion agreed to: yeas 7; nays 3)
The Vice-Chair (Mr. Stephen Ellis): Therefore, we will adjourn debate as per Mr. Fisher's request. I need to confer with the clerk for 30 seconds, please.
Thank you very much, colleagues.
Ms. Sidhu, you have the floor.
Excuse me, Mr. Doherty, I have conferred with the clerk and I think we've had this convention before with the other chair that when we move a motion and it's been a member's turn for six minutes, whoever's turn it is, we consider that as having used the time. Therefore, we'll move on to Ms. Sidhu for six minutes. Thank you.
:
Through the chair, yes, I'd be happy to speak about that.
There were several challenges that we faced across the country with regard to data, and I'll speak first about data regarding our health care workforce. We lack a standardized national database of health care workers in this country with specifics on what they are qualified to do, where are they working and what their area of expertise is.
If we're going to have a pan-Canadian workforce strategy, we need to begin with the basics of knowing who's doing what, where and when, and under what circumstances, to build forward.
The second has to do with the lack of consistent health data collection. We know that across jurisdictions in Canada, health data is collected in varying forms, and for that reason it is challenging to share across jurisdictions. If we are going to be prepared, moving forward, for the next pandemic or next health crisis, then I think it behooves us to actually have a database that we can access to know who's doing what and where in our workforce, as I said, and to have an understanding of where the gaps in our system are and where we are able to implement strategies to improve health care.
If I were to look backwards in time—and sorry, I don't want to take too much of your six minutes—there are definitely some public health lessons that we learned from the COVID-19 pandemic, which had to do with funding of our public health teams and organizations, defining our increasing awareness of our public health physicians and public health practices and service delivery.
Certainly it is critical, in managing our health care system, that we prioritize a sustainable investment in staffing capacity, acknowledge and address the significant burnout among health care workers in public health, and invest in and develop public health information systems. Decision-making, prioritizing community engagement, focusing on improving health promotion and prevention, and modernizing communications and training and strategies, all of these require a solid foundation in data and shared data.
If Bill is all about planning and thinking, I'd say those are already powers amply available to the federal bureaucracy. So there's no need to legislate. All this is already possible and permitted. Otherwise, we're talking about giving the government coercive powers to force things through, particularly with regard to harmonization with the provinces and attempts to standardize. If that's the case, I think we're putting our energies in the wrong places.
When I heard Dr. Ross, with respect, talk about a registry for the training of health care personnel, I thought to myself that we were then touching on the field of education, which is a provincial jurisdiction. It's normal that at the federal level, we don't have this information, because it doesn't fall under federal jurisdiction. Professional corporations, which determine who can become a doctor or nurse, fall under provincial jurisdiction, as does hospital management.
The challenge in the next crisis—it may be opioids, it may be an environmental crisis, it may be something else—would be for everyone to get their responsibilities right. The federal government has had its shortcomings, such as border management during the pandemic, which wasn't always perfect. There was also the management of vaccine supplies, which wasn't always perfect either.
So we mustn't let Bill become an excuse to avoid doing the imperative assessment of how Ottawa has discharged its responsibilities. It's as if we were in primary school, with good students and mediocre students, and the worst student in the class wanted to teach the other students how to study.
That's not how things works. Everyone needs to do their homework on their own; the federal government has lessons to learn from the last crisis in its own areas of jurisdiction if it wants to better exercise its powers without trying to take control, coordinate everything, and harmonize what doesn't fall under its responsibilities.
Thank you to our witnesses.
Dr. Taillon, your comments were very enlightening. Clause 2 of the bill talks about the purpose of the proposed act, which is to “prevent the risk of and prepare for future pandemics”.
The function of the committee that it's trying to structure is as follows:
The function of the advisory committee is to make recommendations for the improvement, throughout Canada, of preparedness efforts and response capabilities in relation to disease outbreaks in order to reduce the risks associated with future pandemics.
I'm sure, Dr. Taillon, you're well aware that the Public Health Agency of Canada was structured in 2004 after the SARS epidemic to do exactly what I've just quoted. In fact, when we look at the Public Health Agency's function, its function is to provide health promotion, health surveillance, health protection, population assessment, emergency preparedness responses and to “focus on preventing disease and injuries, responding to public health threats, promoting good physical and mental health and providing information to support informed decision-making.”
Not only are they doing that, they have also doing it with a budget in 2022-23 of $7,439,195,456 just for infectious disease prevention and control, not to mention the $404,242,000 for health promotion and chronic disease prevention.
If all of this is in place with the Public Health Agency of Canada to do what this bill is proposing, do you feel that this bill is supportive of that, or do we need to get rid of the Public Health Agency of Canada?
:
Mr. Chair, one thing is certain: it's important to recall, as the member did, the scale of the funds already invested and the mission that already exists.
If the bill simply repeats the mission that already exists in other words, then it's useless. Otherwise, it must be interpreted as a bill that seeks to create a diversion, i.e., we're preparing for the future to avoid really taking stock of what happened, the mistakes and blunders that may have occurred during the last crisis. This is normal, because no government is perfect. No administration is perfect.
Otherwise, we legislate because we want to tighten the screws, we want new powers or more coercive authority. My fear is that this coercive authority will be aimed at the provinces, which would be forced to harmonize their practices when they should instead be allowed to innovate and apply their know-how closer to the ground. This would also plunge them into a dynamic of accountability, which would be a way of subordinating them, when there should be no subordination.
By trying to intervene too much in things that stray from its mission, the federal level is moving away from the basics. Its mission should be refocused on what lies at the heart of federal jurisdiction, for example, procurement and strategic reserves. This is the role of the federal government.
At the onset of the pandemic, the government discovered it had dismantled a critical and successful early warning system. When the world began border closures to protect citizens, the “do as I say, not as I do” health minister held to an ideology decrying conspiracy theories, accusing critics of being racist and parroting the People's Republic of China talking points and outsourcing critical national interest decisions to a World Health Organization bent on destroying its own credibility.
Bill is not a pandemic inquiry. It barely begins to assess pandemic prevention and it begs that we pay better attention to what decisions were made in that time.
Dr. Barrett, in the past you've stated that you're a fan of keeping masks on faces and have defended mandates on social media.
Let's see how that played out. The Alberta Medical Association survey cites 77% of parents who have reported that the mental health of their children aged 15 and over is worse than before the COVID-19 pandemic. According to the Canadian Institute for Health Information, during the first year of the pandemic, almost 25% of hospitalizations for children and youth were mental health-related.
Let me ask you a question. These mandates destroyed the mental health of Albertans and Canadians, and destroyed small businesses and destroyed the livelihoods of thousands of people who are now afflicted by an opioid crisis. Do you still stand by your comments today?
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Davies.
I will try once again. This time, we are out of time. I want to thank the witnesses for staying later. Those of you not in this time zone, obviously we thank you even more.
That being said, I hope the information was valuable to you all. Hopefully, you enjoyed the discourse we had beforehand.
I have a bit of committee business. This is a reminder to members that the deadline to submit amendments to Bill is this coming Friday at noon.
In our next meeting, on Monday, we'll be doing clause-by-clause consideration of this bill, Bill .
Thank you all for indulging the newness of this chairmanship to me.
Also, on behalf of this committee, I would like to wish our usual chair, Mr. Casey, Godspeed in what he is going through at the current time.
Is it the will of the committee to adjourn?
Some hon. members: Yes.
The Vice-Chair (Mr. Stephen Ellis): The meeting is adjourned.