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I call this meeting to order.
Welcome to meeting number 93 of the House of Commons Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development. Today's meeting is taking place in a hybrid format, pursuant to the Standing Orders. Therefore, members are attending in person in the room, as well as remotely by using the Zoom application.
I would like to make a few comments for the benefit of members and witnesses.
Before speaking, please wait until I recognize you by name. You may speak in the official language of your choice. Interpretation services are available. Although this room is equipped with a powerful audio system, feedback events can occur. These can be extremely harmful to the interpreters. The most common cause of sound feedback is an earpiece worn too close to a microphone.
With regard to a speaking list, the committee clerk and I will do our best to maintain a consolidated order of speaking for all members, whether they are participating virtually or in person.
Pursuant to Standing Order 108(2) and the motion adopted by the committee on Wednesday, November 8, 2023, the committee will resume its study of Canada's diplomatic capacity.
I would now like to welcome our witnesses. Appearing before us is the Honourable Mélanie Joly, Minister of Foreign Affairs. She is accompanied by Mr. David Morrison, deputy minister of foreign affairs, and Mr. Antoine Chevrier, assistant deputy minister and chief transformation officer. We are grateful that you are all here.
Minister, I know you are very excited about this particular topic. We are happy to have you here. You will have five minutes for opening remarks, after which we will turn to the members for questions.
Minister, the floor is yours.
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Thank you, Mr. Chair. It is good to see all of you.
[Translation]
I'm pleased to see you all here.
[English]
Canada finds itself in a growing international security crisis. It is undeniable.
Just a few days ago I was in Kyiv, delivering a clear message from our government to Ukrainians that we are not going anywhere and we will be there for as long as it takes. Canada will continue to support Ukraine's fight for freedom through to the end of the war but also beyond. This is why Canada and Ukraine have launched an international coalition to bring Ukrainian children back home. We want to make sure that kids are never used as pawns in wartime.
Even after the war, Ukraine will be next door to a very dangerous neighbour, Russia. We know that in that context, Canada must be able to help Ukraine defend itself and show deterrence in light of danger. That is why I was there, and we have been working on advancing Canada's long-term bilateral security commitments to Ukraine to deter future Russian aggression.
[Translation]
Unfortunately, that's not the only conflict in the world that Canadians are concerned about. We're all deeply troubled by the devastating scenes coming out of the Middle East, whether it be the Hamas terrorist attack against Israel on October 7, which we continue to roundly condemn, or the death toll from the humanitarian crisis in Gaza, which we are all extremely concerned about.
Our government continues to support urgent efforts to secure an agreement to free hostages. It will allow for more humanitarian aid to flow into Gaza and it will force Hamas to lay down its arms. We hope that this agreement will eventually lead to a sustainable ceasefire as well as a two-state solution.
[English]
Whether in Khan Yunis, in Kherson or even in Khartoum, the rules-based system that has kept Canadians safe for generations is cracking. We are all facing increasingly complex modern challenges—disinformation and the rise of AI and political polarization, including the rise of extremist and populist movements even here in Canada.
We cannot let bad actors exploit this uncertainty with impunity. In rising to meet these challenges, I have been clear that our government's foreign policy will be guided by two key principles.
The first one is that we absolutely need to defend Canada's sovereignty. Our national interests require it and our national security depends on it. We must stand firm and defend the rules-based system and the institutions that have kept us safe.
The second is pragmatic diplomacy. We need to engage in pragmatic diplomacy to work with countries of different perspectives to prevent an international conflict. I don't believe in the empty chair policy. We will never compromise our values and we will never compromise our national interests.
In what we do on the world stage to make sure that we succeed, we must be present globally with our eyes and ears on the ground. Our diplomats must be diverse, bilingual, healthy and well equipped.
Last fall, we released a detailed plan to transform Global Affairs Canada for the future of diplomacy. It is more important than ever that this plan be implemented, and thank you to Antoine and David for working actively on this.
This plan has four points.
[Translation]
First, there is a need to invest in our people, in “our world” as we say. That includes recruiting a diplomatic corps that is representative of Canada in all its diversity. Francophones must be able to speak their mother tongue and we need to speak more foreign languages and speak them better. We also need to provide greater support to our diplomats and their families abroad.
[English]
Second, we must increase our presence where it matters most. This means expanding our influence in key multilateral institutions, including, of course, the United Nations.
We must also grow our diplomatic footprint in key regions such as eastern Europe, Africa and the Indo-Pacific. This is something our government has already begun doing.
Third, we need to enhance our policy expertise to better anticipate and manage prolonged crises like climate change, as well as the issue of AI and the digital world.
Last but not least, we must have the tools and processes to be efficient and to be better protected from cyber-threats, which are currently top of mind for all of us.
[Translation]
I'm ready to answer your questions.
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There is no question that Iran knows we believe Iran is a state sponsor of terror, that we have the strongest measures against Iran—pretty much in the world—and that we'll continue to make sure that this regime is held accountable in different ways.
I must say that when it comes to any form of these cases, my role as foreign minister is twofold.
The first role is to make sure that if there are any diplomats undertaking any foreign interference, I will be sending them packing. Now, we don't have diplomatic relations with Iran, so there are no diplomats in Canada representing Iran in our bilateral relationship. That's the first.
The second is to make it transparent if we are made aware of any information beforehand, as we did in your case last summer, Michael, when it became clear that China had tried to put pressure on you and your family. We'll continue to do that, because obviously, you and I—and all of us—know that the question of foreign interference is extremely important, and we will never tolerate it.
Since we're on the future of diplomacy and the machinery of government, I'd like to focus on a machinery issue, which is the recent security breaches at the department.
Last summer, the U.S. government announced that hackers from the People's Republic of China were behind a hack into U.S. State Department emails. Last week, your department announced that it had been subject to a cyber-attack that forced the government to shut down part of the department's computer systems. It's the second major attack since the last one in early 2022.
Can you tell us if these are state or non-state actors behind this attack?
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To be frank, I never heard of any tensions between them, and there was never any representation made to me by CSIS or its directorate about the fact that there was apparently a conflict between them. I read that for the first time in The Globe and Mail.
That said, I don't agree that there should be any issues. Fundamentally, this program, which is headed by Global Affairs and abides by the Vienna convention, is extremely important across the world.
When it comes to the allegations that potentially one of the Michaels was linked to it, I profoundly disagree. I will always defend our two Michaels, who were arbitrarily detained by China. This will always be the position of our government. Of course I hope that is the position of all members of this committee and in the House.
Welcome to our committee, Madam Minister. On a more personal note, thank you for showing empathy for the many women, children and civilians killed in Israel and Gaza, and for your efforts to restore peace and dignity in the Middle East.
Our committee is studying Canada's diplomatic capacity. We invited you to appear because you are currently studying the future of diplomacy, an initiative that you introduced, to your credit.
Could you explain to this committee and to Canadians what the future of diplomacy looks like for you and for Global Affairs Canada?
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Thank you, Mrs. Chatel.
It's an extremely important exercise, because we live in a new world, a world with more crises, more wars, more new issues such as those related to climate change or artificial intelligence. We must therefore have modern diplomacy that's tailored to the challenges of the 21st century. In that respect, Mr. Morrison, Mr. Chevrier and I have done some monumental work together.
First, we need to invest more in our people. Basically, we offer their expertise and services around the world. I know they have a strong presence in Ottawa and around the world, and I want to thank them for that. Diplomacy work is really a mission, and I know they represent us very well everywhere.
We also need to enhance our presence in the world. It's essential that there be more Canadians at the United Nations and in multilateral organizations, because the rules are currently being tested by autocratic countries. However, new rules are being drafted on emerging issues like artificial intelligence. So, if we aren't present and if we don't invest in these organizations, we won't be able to defend our interests or promote them. That's why our presence is important.
In addition, we must acquire more expertise on climate change and artificial intelligence. Finally, and this is related to my response to Mr. Chong, we need more information technology resources.
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Mrs. Chatel, I want to tell you how impressed and touched I was by the work of our ambassadors. I'm thinking in particular of Larisa Galadza, who was Canada's ambassador to Ukraine at the time of the invasion, and Natalka Cmoc, the current ambassador. In fact, I was with her last week. They're working in very difficult situations, where there is a constant threat of missiles on Kyiv. Today, about 40 missiles have been launched by Russia on Ukraine, particularly on Kyiv.
I'm also thinking of Philip Lupul, Canada's ambassador in Khartoum, Sudan. He had to manage an extremely difficult situation, as the lives of diplomats and Canadians were in danger. He had to ensure that there was an evacuation from Kenya. David Da Silva, who is in Ramallah, and Lisa Stadelbauer, who is in Tel Aviv, also had to work on evacuations. Every day, their work poses a significant risk to their safety, because Hamas is bombing Israel, and there are bombings in Gaza. We must support and protect Canadians who are in danger.
Since I became Minister of Foreign Affairs, there have been three wars and three evacuations. I saw how Global Affairs Canada staff worked in extremely difficult situations, under enormous pressure, but in a very professional manner.
Madam Minister, I'll first talk about the use of French at Global Affairs Canada. Your plan for the future of diplomacy states the following:
…senior executives across the department should be held accountable for ensuring an equal use of French and a functionally bilingual environment as well as promoting francophone diplomacy, at headquarters and in the mission network abroad.
As you can imagine, it's a huge task. Just this week, an assistant deputy minister spoke only in English when addressing the committee, even when giving his opening remarks. The Prime Minister, at events abroad or before diplomats in Ottawa, speaks in English and uses French to synthesize his remarks, essentially. The Governor General, who sometimes represents Canada abroad, still doesn't speak French. Finally, some senior officials speak in English and use French simply for the sake of being polite at conferences or diplomatic events held in Ottawa.
Madam Minister, I'd like you to answer five questions about the use of French at Global Affairs Canada.
First, does your transformation policy provide exemptions for certain officials with respect to French, particularly deputy ministers and assistant deputy ministers? Will they be reviewed?
Second, will equal use of both official languages, as indicated in your document, even apply in Ottawa, whether for the , for you or for officials who participate in international events?
Third, is the mechanism for attaining senior positions at Global Affairs Canada—Le Devoir has repeatedly documented the discriminatory nature toward francophones when it comes to promotions—ancient history?
Fourth, can you tell us about the strength of French in diplomacy and why it should be an essential component of our strategy?
Finally, on what continents and in what perspectives could French be useful in terms of diplomacy?
:
Thank you, Ms. Larouche.
We can both agree that the French language must always be protected. Global Affairs Canada is certainly one of my concerns, as former minister of Official Languages, a proud francophone and a proud Quebecker. I had the opportunity to discuss this several times with Mr. Morrisson and Mr. Chevrier.
The Official Languages Act applies to all departments, including Global Affairs Canada. The act was strengthened following the white paper I published when I was minister and the bill I introduced that my colleague Ginette Petitpas Taylor was able to bring to fruition. I'd like to thank her very much for that.
However, for too long, the Official Languages Act did not sufficiently address international relations. That's why we wanted to reform the act to rectify this and include recognition of the importance of the international Francophonie.
I agree with you that the fact that we're members of the international francophonie gives us access to dozens of countries with which we can have very constructive diplomatic relations, particularly in Africa and the Middle East, a bit in Asia as well, and certainly within the European Union.
So to answer your question, yes, it's an asset. Is it a strength we need to build on further? Absolutely. Does it make the people at Global Affairs Canada and me, as minister, extremely proud? Absolutely.
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Okay, thank you. I know it was a long question. I'll try to ask you a shorter one, but I have a number of questions for you.
I'd now like to talk about partisan appointments, Madam Minister. During the study, we heard from a number of witnesses who expressed concern about what might be called partisan appointments within Canada's foreign representations, sometimes qualifying their remarks by explaining the need for trusted appointments for very specific and strategic positions.
More recently, The Hill Times reported that Prime Minister Justin Trudeau ranked third among Canadian prime ministers who appointed the most former cabinet ministers, surpassed only by prime ministers Chrétien and Trudeau Sr. We recently learned that the Prime Minister had offered his former minister of justice a position in Spain, Marc Garneau turned down a position in France, Stéphane Dion is used for everything imaginable, Bob Rae is at the UN and John McCallum was in China before he resigned. Former Liberal MPs are regularly assigned to be representatives.
Your document explains the following: “Global Affairs Canada needs to promote and reward creativity, achievement and initiative, and create a culture that encourages intelligent risk‑taking.”
So what strategy do you follow when appointing people from the political world?
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We can be proud to have very good ambassadors from our diplomatic network, whether in Washington, Beijing or Brasilia.
We can also be proud to have a very good diplomatic network in general. These are people who have a lot of experience and who are highly respected, whether at the Quai d'Orsay or at the Élysée in Paris, or at 10 Downing Street in Great Britain.
We also have a new ambassador to Denmark, a country with close ties to Greenland. We know that the relationship with the Inuit is a very important issue in Greenland, and Ms. Bennett has a lot of experience in dealing with indigenous communities, including the Inuit community. That's why I think this is a very good appointment.
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I'm going to ask you three questions, Minister, and then I'll have you respond to them at the end and give you some time for that.
I am going to ask some questions about the Middle East, and I'm going to start with our arms sales to Israel. I've asked Order Paper questions and have been given very substandard responses. I know the media are very frustrated. They're getting different answers at different times.
This is the first question. To be clear, has Canada been sending arms, and is Canada sending arms—whether they are military or non-military, whether it is technology, whether it's lethal or non-lethal or dual-use—to Israel?
The reason I'm asking that question is that with the ICJ investigation that says there is a plausible case of genocide happening, Canada could be complicit. I'm concerned that Canada could be complicit in a genocide if we are continuing to sell arms.
The second thing that I wanted to ask you about is this. I think I've been very clear that I was horrified by your government's decision to defund UNRWA—absolutely horrified. We know it is the only organization that can get life-saving support to innocent children in Gaza. That's very clear.
Your decision was made. It's now being reported by the CBC that Canadian officials had no information when they made that decision, and it was simply on the basis of information you received from Israel. I have deep concerns about that. Could you talk a little bit about how you justify that, and when we can expect that pause to be lifted so that the innocent children in Gaza aren't the ones who are suffering from the terrorist actions of Hamas?
That does bring me to Hamas. I have to say—
Yesterday we learned that Hamas was being sanctioned, and of course we're happy that this has happened. Hamas is a terrorist organization. They are responsible for untold suffering for Israeli and Palestinian people.
However, what we didn't see was the same sort of action on some of the very genocidal comments we've heard out of the very far-right Netanyahu government. The Minister of Defense called Palestinians “human animals”. The Minister of Agriculture stated, “We are now rolling out the Gaza Nakba.” The Minister of National Security likened Gazan civilians to terrorists, saying that “they should also be destroyed.” The Minister of Heritage argued against providing humanitarian aid to Gaza, saying “there is no such a thing as uninvolved civilians in Gaza.” The Minister of Finance said, “We need to deal a blow that hasn't been seen in 50 years”.
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I'm sorry, Heather, but I'll continue.
I raised this issue with my counterpart because we all agree more humanitarian aid needs to go into Gaza. We all agree the violence must stop. We all agree we need to get to a hostage deal, which will eventually lead to a sustainable ceasefire, which will eventually lead, we hope, to a two-state solution. This has been Canada's position. I hope that's the case around this table and in the House of Commons among all parties.
Now, with respect to the question of UNRWA, I agree we need to provide humanitarian aid. We all do. There's an important investigation happening right now at the UN. My former colleague, Catherine Colonna, the former minister of foreign affairs in France, has been appointed. This is an important investigation, because the allegations are serious. That said, we absolutely, meanwhile, need to continue to provide humanitarian aid through different organizations. The is in charge of that.
When it comes to arms, because you asked me that question, we all know about our arms trade system. We have one of the most robust in the world. I can tell you and those who are watching how it works. Canadian companies come to see the government to have export permits granted, so it is not the Canadian government sending weapons: It's actually the companies that come to see us.
What I can tell you is that there have been no weapons sent under my watch in recent years, and none since October 7. However, I—
Minister, thank you for being here this afternoon.
Michael Spavor alleges that the GSRP bears some responsibility for his wrongful detention. The report from the NSIRA concluded that the global security reporting program operates under the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. However, there is no legal guidance, risk assessment, security protocol or sufficient training to ensure the 30-plus GAC officers in the GSRP operate within international law. This report came out in 2020.
Has anything changed in that regard? Is there any accuracy to what this report is saying?
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Thank you, Mr. Chair. Thank you, Minister, for being here today.
There is so much happening in the world today. I know that your job is extremely challenging at this time. I recognize that and appreciate what you're doing in these difficult circumstances.
Top of mind right now is the Middle East. A lot of Canadians are watching what is happening and have loved ones who are there. Some Canadians are still stuck in Gaza and are trying to get out, along with their families. Our government has made a commitment to help families of Canadians come to Canada. A lot of Canadians have come back. They have been able to leave Gaza, which is very positive. You described it as the worst place on Earth right now, and I have no doubt that this is true.
Can you let us know what the challenges are around getting the remaining Canadians and their families out of Gaza? What are the challenges that you are facing? Before—
I was about to get to the question, but I wanted to thank you for the work you did around Mansour Shouman, who is a Canadian citizen and is now not detained. I know your ministry did a lot.
To my question, Mr. Chair, through you, with respect to the challenges that are being faced to get Canadians and their families out, what are they?
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I've been losing a lot of sleep on this issue of getting Canadians out of Gaza, usually in different countries we organize consular services so that once Canadians are able to leave, they just leave; they don't necessarily need an authorization, depending on the country. When it comes to Gaza, we need to get approval to get Canadians out, to get anybody out, and that approval needs to come from Israel, through COGAT, which is part of the Ministry of Defense. Also, Canadians getting out of Gaza need to get approval from Egypt. Coordination between these two governments is not always seamless, to say the least.
While the delay has sometimes been frustrating, to be frank, we absolutely need to make sure Canadians who go through the Rafah gate are able to go while it's secure. There's been shelling of the Rafah gate region, which has been making it very difficult to get Canadians to go to the Rafah gate.
From the moment they're at the Rafah gate, the team in Cairo goes to meet them and take care of them. We have an agreement with Egypt that Canadians coming out of Gaza need to leave Egypt 48 hours after they have left Gaza. That's why we also worked with Canadians to make sure they were able to travel to Canada, and if they don't necessarily have the funding for it, we have a loan program that is very efficient we've worked on.
I must say, Sameer, that since I have constituents myself who have family in Gaza, this has been something I've been putting a lot of pressure and energy into. I must thank Julie Sunday, who's the head of our consular affairs and also the hostage negotiation team, because she has been doing fantastic work in a very difficult situation.
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We believe in the UN. I must say that I'm looking at my friends from the Conservative Party and I don't know what their official position is or whether they're in favour of the UN or not, but I know Michael is looking at me right now. Sometimes silence speaks even louder, so I want to make sure my colleagues all agree that the UN is important.
That said, we need more people at the UN. Global Affairs Canada needs more researchers, more diplomats, because the world has changed. It has changed since the Harper government was there and it has changed since when we were in power before the pandemic. That's just the reality of it. I told you at the beginning that we're in an international security crisis, so we need more diplomats at the UN and at the G20, working within the different organizations of the UN, including, for example, in Geneva, at ICAO, etc., because we have many governments that are trying to change the rules of the game, including China. If we are not at the table and if we don't have the capacity, we're not able to defend our interests.
Madam Minister, I'm going to talk about parliamentary diplomacy, since you make no mention of it in your documents.
I would like to know how Global Affairs Canada could encourage the participation of elected officials who are generally open to the idea of contributing to a positive image of Canada. Several witnesses mentioned that it would be useful to promote this exercise.
What's your view on parliamentary diplomacy?
We had a bit of an embarrassing situation with Ukraine, where you've just returned from. Unless I'm mistaken, you didn't have any opposition members with you, as you did in your previous travels. In fact, Canada is one of the only G7 countries that didn't send a parliamentary delegation there. However, we pride ourselves on being Ukraine's closest ally on this issue, which goes beyond party division. This committee tried to travel to Ukraine, but it was refused for security reasons, as reported by The Hill Times.
Why is security a prerogative for parliamentarians and not for ministers?
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Thank you, Ms. Larouche.
We all agree that parliamentary diplomacy is important. It's certainly not within the purview of Global Affairs Canada, as it is the prerogative of Parliament. I think that if we had talked about parliamentary diplomacy, the presence of a conflict between the legislative branch and the executive branch would have been invoked.
That's why we'll continue to support and strengthen the various parliamentary groups, including parliamentary friendship groups. I think we still have to work on that, and we always have to work on that. Indeed, we now know that the better we are at maintaining diplomatic ties at various levels, with various governments, the better. That was the first element.
The second is with respect to Ukraine. MP Stéphane Bergeron asked me to address this issue. He told me about it again yesterday. I feel like I'm hearing Mr. Bergeron when you speak to me, Ms. Larouche.
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Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
I think I'm going to change the channel a little bit.
It is International Development Week. I understand that you are not the international development minister. However, there is funding that does come through your ministry, in particular for human rights. We are hearing some really disturbing stories from the sector, from representatives of CSOs across Canada, that those who have been doing great work on human rights, particularly with support for women and girls, which should align with our feminist international assistance policy, are waiting enormous amounts of time and things are getting entangled.
In fact, they're telling us that there are funding delays and a lack of information from your office. They're telling me that you're failing to uphold the FIAP and that they fear the cuts made in the past years are going to hurt Canada's work globally.
I'm wondering why the approvals from your office—this is on your side in Global Affairs—and your colleagues' offices are taking so long. Why are there are these refusals to fund multiple human rights projects, particularly those looking at women and girls?
Before I pass it over to you, Minister, we have been waiting years now for a feminist foreign policy. We have been told it exists. We have been told that is somewhere in the ether, but we have not seen it. Should we be giving up on this? Is this policy never going to come forward?
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Heather, regarding your first point—which is basically that organizations are waiting for funding—it is the first time I'm personally hearing about it. I'll look into this issue. It is unacceptable and we will solve it.
David, please make sure that we work on this.
Second, on the question on the feminist foreign policy, we live it every day. We have had a feminist approach in our foreign policy since we were elected. I've met so many organizations.... Just coming back from Ukraine, I met with survivors of gender-based violence. All the work we've done with women and girls around the world, we'll continue to do that.
I know the is working on this issue also, in supporting women entrepreneurs. I know of course the , whom you were referring to, has been working on support for women and girls—
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For our last question, we'll go to Dr. Fry.
I should forewarn you, Dr. Fry, there are some connectivity problems, as best as we can tell, on our end. If there is an issue, we're going to have to go to another member, but hopefully it will work.
Dr. Fry, you have five minutes.
Thank you, Minister, for being here.
I agree with Dr. Fry's first comments, but I want to go to a different thing. We often talk about how Global Affairs has a lot of lines of business. I don't tend to think of them as business, but it has a lot of business lines. Many of them don't touch Canadians directly. They touch us indirectly. They touch the issue of Canadians travelling abroad and the issue of Canadians who get into trouble. They may be very simple problems, such as a lost passport or something like that, which can be solved, but some of them are major.
Do you feel that Global Affairs officials are adequately resourced to handle what Canadians need and expect to get when travelling the world? People travel way more than they used to, and I'm just wondering about that.
I'm self-interested, because I travel.
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I used to be the Minister of Tourism, and I learned when I was in charge of tourism that Canada is actually the country where people travel the most per capita. We love going to the U.S. and we love going to different places around the world. However, the world is increasingly complicated to deal with, with many more different pressures and dangers. We need to be able to provide that service to Canadians. That is why we need to have the right processes, with no red tape. We need to cut red tape. That's why the future of diplomacy plan was so important in terms of reforms in our approach.
We also need to have even better IT services. That's how we can also help Canadians when they're abroad to be in touch between the embassy, the consular officer and also Ottawa.
While I've been answering many of your questions and it seems like a Joly family dinner on Sunday nights—sorry, guys, but that's the reality of my life, because we're a very political family—I really hope we can all agree on the fact that we need to invest more in our diplomats. It is important that we have our resources. This work of reforming our department, Global Affairs Canada, has not been done in decades. This is an opportunity for you to say, yes, I believe in the work that Canada does at the international level. I'll be frank: It should not be partisan.
I think it's just about what you were saying, Rob. It's about giving services to Canadians but also protecting our interests. France has just invested massively in their new network, hiring 700 new diplomats. Following the Biden administration's arrival, Secretary Blinken announced a huge reinvestment in the U.S. diplomatic network. That is bearing fruit right now because of so many wars happening and security issues. Germany has also been working on this. We're not the only department in the world doing this. Many of our friends and allies are doing so. We know that many BRICS countries are doing so as well. They want to increase their influence and they want to have a stronger voice at the international level, so we need to adapt. That's why this study is so important.
Something that Canadians don't necessarily know, and that I learned when becoming the Minister of Foreign Affairs, is how much we rely on locally engaged staff around the world. For example, an embassy can have maybe 60 diplomats who are Canadian diplomats but can have 150 locally engaged staff, and they are extremely important. A lot of them do the immigration work. That is so key to so many members of different communities across the country.
That is why we need to make sure that we are able to hire them, and hire the best and the brightest, and be competitive. All embassies in a given capital will try to recruit the best and the brightest. We also need to be able to retain them. As they are so fundamental to our lines of business, as you were saying, we need to be able to protect them even more, particularly when it comes to conflicts and crises. That's why also, for the first time, when it came to Ukraine and when it came to Sudan, we decided to take care of our locally engaged staff and to broaden the diplomatic immunity in our interpretation to make sure to bring them to safety.
First of all, Chair, so you're aware, in terms of Canada's diplomatic capacity, my question relates to checking another country's claim before cutting funding to a UN organization, so I think it's within the scope of the study.
Minister, as you know, there are two million people in Gaza who depend on UNRWA. As you've said many times before, Gaza is the worst place in the world to live right now. UNRWA employs 13,000 people there, and they quickly fired 12 individuals as of January 26 under allegations of connections with Hamas.
As MP McPherson shared earlier, CBC is now reporting that the Government of Canada hasn't seen evidence backing up Israel's claim that staff employed by UNRWA colluded with Hamas in any way before we suspended our funding. In light of all of this, are there conversations in your department right now and/or with the with respect to restoring funding to UNRWA?
I know that there is a very important conversation happening about UNRWA, and I know that UNRWA is important to Palestinians. I really get it. That's why we supported UNRWA and why we invested in UNRWA. What happened on October 7 was catastrophic, we know, and the allegations that have been made are very serious, and that is why Canada is not the only country that has paused its funding to UNRWA. At the same time, it is normal that the UN, which I think is doing the right thing, is investigating, because these are serious allegations, and I think, Mike, you can agree with that.
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My apologies. I misspoke.
Canada was left out of AUKUS in 2021. That's what I was referring to—the defence and security alliance of Australia, the U.S. and the United Kingdom. We were also left out of a seat when Norway organized the talks with the Taliban. We've also turned our neighbours away, our allies away, when they've come looking for LNG.
How do we respond to that? What I'm probing for is not so much.... I guess the first round with the minister dealt more with our relationship with trouble spots around the world. I'm very concerned about our relationship with our own allies. We don't seem to be having.... At least, that is coming from the experts that we hear at committee.
Could you comment about Canada's place in the world? How are we viewed by our allies, given that we're being excluded from some of these important opportunities or arenas?
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I challenge the premise of the question that we're being excluded.
AUKUS is a submarine deal among nations with primary security interests in the Pacific. That isn't really where we are focused in terms of submarines. There are additional elements to AUKUS beyond the core submarine arrangement in terms of technology sharing and so on, and we've made it clear, as has New Zealand, that at the appropriate time we may be interested in joining in sharing the technology, but our Five Eyes partners made it very clear to us that AUKUS is effectively a submarine deal.
I will say that I was a G7 sherpa for five cycles and I think we're at almost every table that matters. As Minister Joly said, we could be punching harder. We could have more resources—not necessarily deeper pockets, but we do need to reinvest in the foreign service. That's the whole spirit of the “future of diplomacy” report and the implementation—
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The top priority is investing in the foreign service.
Minister Joly gave the statistic. France had a 20% across-the-board budget increase and hired 800 new diplomats. We have allowed our foreign service to atrophy over time, in terms of recruiting, retaining and investing, including in language capacity.
I had a chat with Mr. Hoback before this session. Canada was extraordinarily blessed between the end of the Cold War and February 2022 and the invasion because our security was essentially looked after by our geography.
In my building, in the Global Affairs set-up, the high priests of the organization were the trade negotiators. Our best and brightest raced around the world signing trade agreements, because in that 30-year period, as I said, we were blessed by geography and by globalization, which allowed Canadian companies to sell lots of things and benefit from free trade agreements.
We're now in a very different world and we need diplomats who do a much broader range of things.
Just to drill down on Minister Joly's point about being at multilateral tables, there are rules being written right now on 6G. We need to be at those tables, for both prosperity reasons and for national security reasons. We saw what happened when 5G was rolled out: We and the world took too narrow a lens on it.
That requires people at the right tables and in the right organizations, and it costs money.
Do I have time for one quick one?
Maybe Mr. Chevrier or you could answer this question. I wanted to get some clarification on the question that Mr. Genuis asked.
My understanding is the Democratic Republic of Congo, DRC, requested the Security Council of the UN to withdraw the peacekeeping troops earlier than originally planned and that late last year, the UN Security Council acceded to that request to withdraw the MONUSCO troops.
Am I understanding that correctly? We're not on the Security Council. Am I understanding that process appropriately?
I'd like to thank the officials for being here.
I'll first address the issue of public diplomacy.
In 2022, Daniel Livermore, who was a public servant in international relations for three decades, was concerned that Global Affairs Canada seemed to be ignoring international cultural affairs. He explained that the Senate's 2019 recommendations called for the development of a cultural strategy and that this recommendation went unanswered.
How does Canada see cultural and public diplomacy in its future strategy? Couldn't Canada make more investments in the francophonie, particularly to get closer to certain African states that are increasingly turning to China and Russia?
:
Thank you for your question.
I remember very well the 2019 Senate report on cultural diplomacy. We agreed with almost all of its recommendations.
We value cultural diplomacy. When I was a diplomat in Havana several years ago, we did a lot of it. It's like the parliamentary diplomacy we talked about before.
But it does cost money. It's not free. We need resources to send Les Grands Ballets Canadiens overseas, for example.
At the moment, the department must prioritize the essentials, that is to say invest in staff first.
:
It was clearly a recommendation from the Senate; we'll come back to that.
I'd now like to talk about collaboration with the provinces.
Some witnesses recommended that more emphasis be placed on partnerships with provincial representatives. Representatives of Global Affairs Canada offices abroad said that, for a state belonging to a confederation, they had the most developed provincial foreign service in Canada and the world.
What is Global Affairs Canada's strategy for increasing its collaboration with Quebec and provincial field offices?
Could they play a role in developing a cultural strategy or in organizing public diplomacy?
:
As deputy minister of foreign affairs and former deputy minister of international trade, I would say that there is a great deal of collaboration between federal and provincial offices located around the world. In fact, I've had the opportunity on several occasions to meet with my Quebec counterpart to talk about collaboration.
I think that, in terms of cultural diplomacy, it's a very good idea to share resources and strategies. I'm sure that's happening in embassies around the world right now.
There's no program as such, but in our embassies in China, the United States and throughout Europe, we have a very close working relationship, even with Quebec.
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
Thank you all for being here today and for staying a little late as well.
Mr. Morrison, I want to echo your comments that Canada is in a different place now.
I was in the sector at the time. I was not a fan of bringing Global Affairs Canada together from CIDA and other departments, from trade. I think diplomacy is important, but I also think development is vitally important. It is one of the legs of the stool, as well as defence, that has to hold up our foreign policy. I think we have dropped the ball on diplomacy and also on development, and we need to do more on defence. I just want to make that clear.
I have a more detailed question for you. This is about the concerns I raised with the minister and the government in the fall about the detonators going through Kyrgyzstan to Russia.
What this does is show a real loophole in our legislation. Those detonators were going to Russia, presumably to be used in the exact same land mines the Canadian government is paying to demine in Ukraine. This committee did a review on sanctions. It recommended that the Government of Canada publish comprehensive data annually on Canadian exports of dual-use goods like these detonators. We see these loopholes in our arms export system. The minister talked about it being “robust”, but I think it's clear from many organizations and many examples that it is not as robust as it needs to be.
Will you be making it an immediate priority to publish the data on dual-use goods this year?
:
All the members have had an opportunity to ask their questions.
Allow me to thank you, Deputy Minister Morrison and Mr. Chevrier, the chief transformation officer. Thank you for being here. It's almost three hours that you've been here.
I'd also like to take the opportunity to thank the other officials who have joined us. We have, of course, Ms. Shirley Carruthers, the assistant deputy minister and chief financial officer. We have had the pleasure of having Ms. Vera Alexander, the associate assistant deputy minister for people and talent management. Of course, we have also had the pleasure of having Mr. Stéphane Jobin, who is the director general of Canadian Foreign Service Institute. Thank you ever so much for your time and for your expertise.
We will now suspend for a couple of minutes so we can go into committee business.
[Proceedings continue in camera]