:
I call the meeting to order.
Welcome to meeting number 114 of the House of Commons Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration.
Pursuant to Standing Order 108(2) and the motion adopted by the committee on October 24, 2024, the committee is commencing its study of the recent reforms to the international student program.
I would like to remind all participants of the following points.
Please wait until I recognize you by name before speaking. All comments should be addressed through the chair.
Members, whether you're participating in person or via Zoom, please raise your hand if you wish to speak. The clerk and I will manage the speaking order as best we can.
Just to remind new members of the committee of a rule at this committee, if an honourable member feels a witness is going too long, they should raise their hand. I then stop the clock so that I don't take your time. I don't want cross-conversations. Thank you for doing that.
We have two new honourable members with us today. I would love to acknowledge Arpan Khanna and Jean Yip. Welcome.
Today's meeting is taking place in a hybrid format. In accordance with the committee's routine motions concerning connection tests for the witnesses, I'm informing the committee that all witnesses have completed the required connection tests in advance of the meeting.
I have some administrative matters before we begin. We have prepared a draft budget regarding the study of the recent reforms to the international student program, in the amount of $19,250. That's to cover four meetings. I have another one regarding the briefing on the 2024 annual report to Parliament on immigration, in the amount of only $500.
Is there a motion to adopt these budgets?
(Motion agreed to)
The Chair: No deadline has been decided by the committee for the submission of briefs concerning the study on the recent reforms to the international student program. Do you agree to set a date for that, either November 29 at 5:00 p.m. or the following Friday, December 6, at 5:00 p.m.?
There seems to be consensus. The deadline is set for December 6 at 5:00 p.m.
On the study of pension transferability and access to the mandatory provident fund, and delays in permanent residence and visas for Hong Kongers, on Tuesday, November 5, the clerk distributed a calendar of our business until December. On Monday, November 18, we have witnesses from IRCC and Finance Canada for the first hour. For the second hour, we scheduled time to give drafting instructions to the analysts. However, as explained earlier, a summary of evidence will not be ready for that day.
Would the committee like to give drafting instructions without a summary of evidence?
MP Kwan.
After looking at the calendar, we want to convey two possible options. The first option is delivering the summary of evidence by November 22. I want to clarify that it's a non-exhaustive summary of evidence but one that tracks the themes, the various important quotations, etc. That would lead to drafting instructions the following week, if the committee is comfortable with not having a full week between the summary of evidence distribution and the drafting instructions.
The other option, depending on when the committee wants the report to be provided, is that the summary of evidence not happen and the drafting instructions occur faster to allow for a faster return of the report.
Those are the two considerations, but November 22 would be the earliest distribution date.
:
I do. Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
There are two things I would like to raise.
First off, committee members received an amended notice about this particular study and it relates to witnesses, in particular officials from the department. It's been amended such that IRB representatives are being added to this study as witnesses.
Mr. Chair, how did that come about? Did a particular party request this change? Were any other committee members consulted on this change before it was finalized?
That's the first issue I'm going to raise. I'm going to pause to get the answers for that, and then I have a second issue to raise.
:
I'll close with this comment, Mr. Chair.
I think in the future, if there's such a change, committee members ought to be notified that this has been done, and not just as a fait accompli. This is, in my view, a substantive change, and normally this kind of change in a motion would be part of the original motion.
If in fact it is the wish of the committee that IRB appear as part of the study to speak to implications related to international students and refugee claims, it should be explicitly stated in the motion. I would ask that this be the exercise in the future.
I would like to welcome our witnesses for today's meeting.
I will tell committee members way in advance that we have resources available until 1:15 today. My thought process is that, because we took a bit of time from the witnesses and it is important to listen to them, we can go to 1:15. If any members have difficulty with that, they can come to me. No motions will be entertained after one o'clock if a member wants to leave. That's the consensus I would need from committee members. Is that okay?
Some hon. members: Agreed.
The Chair: Thank you.
In the first hour, from the Department of Citizenship and Immigration, we have Ms. May, director general, international students branch, and Ms. Julie Spattz, senior director, international students branch; and from the Immigration and Refugee Board, we have Ms. Roula Eatrides, deputy chairperson, refugee protection division, and Ms. Lesley Soper, director general, strategic directions and corporate affairs branch.
Ms. May has opening remarks.
Ms. May, I will give you the floor for five minutes. Please go ahead. The time is yours.
:
Thank you, Mr. Chair and honourable members.
I want to begin by acknowledging that we are gathered on the traditional and unceded territory of the Algonquin Anishinabe people.
We've been invited here today to discuss reforms made to the international student program over the past year.
Canada has a long and proud history of welcoming newcomers, including international students. Part of being a welcoming country is ensuring that international students are set up for success in Canada. We have taken steps to tackle the issues that have made some students vulnerable and have challenged the integrity of the international student program.
Over the last 18 months, the government has set into motion the most significant set of reforms since the creation of the program. The purpose of these reforms is to address unsustainable growth, to better calibrate the volume and requirements of the international student program with permanent resident programs, to strengthen program integrity, to reduce student vulnerability and to incentivize greater diversification of the international student population.
Given these objectives, IRCC has brought forward several measures.
In December of last year, IRCC introduced an enhanced letter of acceptance verification system to better protect students from fraud. As of January 1, IRCC has increased the cost of living financial threshold for study permit applicants from $10,000 to approximately $20,000 to help ensure that international students are more financially prepared for life in Canada. As of January 22 of this year, the department established an intake cap on most study permit applications in order to stabilize the international student population. The cap will be reduced by a further 10% in 2025 and will remain at that level in 2026.
[Translation]
In August, the department launched the pilot program for French-speaking foreign students in francophone minority communities outside Quebec. The goal is to make the program fairer for francophone students from regions in which the study permit approval rate is generally lower.
This pilot program helps us meet the federal government's francophone immigration commitments and provides students with a direct pathway to permanent residence and access to settlement services while they're studying.
[English]
As of November 1, 2024, IRCC has updated the post-graduation work permit program to better align it with immigration goals and labour market needs, including by introducing new language proficiency requirements and field of study requirements. This follows other changes made in late 2023 that closed a loophole created by curriculum licensing agreements, which was driving unsustainable growth in certain areas of the country.
Finally, new regulations are expected this fall that will strengthen program integrity, providing IRCC with new tools for dealing with non-compliant learning institutions, requiring students to apply for a new permit when switching institutions and adjusting the number of hours international students may work off campus from 20 hours to 24 hours per week.
These reforms respond to concerns from Canadians about the capacity of communities and institutions to support international students, as well as protecting international students from exploitation. Early signs indicate that these policies are working.
The enhanced letter of acceptance verification system has already intercepted more than 10,000 potentially fraudulent letters of acceptance.
From January to September of this year, we had 200,000 fewer international students coming to Canada, compared to 2023. This decrease will help stabilize volumes and ensure that students who come to Canada receive the support they need to succeed.
Recent reports also show that overheated rental markets, particularly around universities and colleges, are starting to cool down. Pressures on communities to provide housing and other services are beginning to ease.
While these indicators may be encouraging, we will continue to monitor the situation closely.
Throughout this reform process, IRCC has worked with provinces, territories, national education associations, designated learning institutions and many other stakeholders.
Provinces and territories in particular play a key role. Immigration is a shared jurisdiction, while education is the exclusive responsibility of provinces and territories. IRCC has allocated study permit application spaces under the cap to provinces and territories, which in turn are responsible for distributing their allocation among designated learning institutions. I highlight this point to emphasize that provinces and territories retain control over how the cap aligns with their immigration and other objectives at the provincial and territorial levels.
Canada has many high-quality education institutions, and thanks to our welcoming and diverse society, Canada remains a top destination for international students. While we recognize that it has been a disruptive year for institutions and students, these reforms will ultimately help Canada solidify its competitive edge in recruiting and retaining top talent.
[Translation]
Thank you for your interest in this subject. We are pleased to answer your questions.
I'm asking about this because we've seen an increase in the number of students coming to our country. I think the has already admitted that himself. With the SDS program being a fast-tracked way for applicants to come to our country, we are prioritizing speed to accept as many students as possible.
We have a concern about that, because if you recall, last year, in 2023, we let a student into our country who was later charged and arrested for potentially carrying out one of the largest terrorist attacks in our Jewish community. He turned out to be an ISIS supporter and a terrorist, so this information is very important for us to make sure that we're not compromising the security of our country for speed.
If I could get those documents as soon as possible—again I'll ask for those in the next 14 days—that would be helpful for us. Then we can have a discussion on this in a very meaningful manner.
I'm going to switch over to our officials from the IRB, just to get an idea about this from them as well.
The recently said there has been a massive increase—an “alarming trend” were his exact words—in the number of international students claiming asylum in our country. How many international students claimed asylum last year?
:
However, if demographic weight is the basis for determining the number of study permits issued, logically, Quebec should not be affected or should be much less affected than Ontario. Normally, your department should not lower the threshold in Quebec when it approves study permits.
I suppose you can't answer that question. Very well. Not to worry.
Minister Miller blocked access to post-graduate work permits for students who have completed certain programs. There were changes in that regard. The Fédération des cégeps, in particular, raised the alarm that this change could harm it and that Quebec regions, in particular, might suffer as a result. The fact is that international students are often enrolled in regional college programs. They come to study under these programs that are directly connected to the socio-economic needs of the region in which they are offered.
I'll give you an example. The Cégep de St-Félicien offers a course on wood processing, a very important sector in Quebec, especially in the Saguenay–Lac-Saint-Jean region. These students will no longer be able to access the postgraduate work permit; however, I'm not sure I understand the rationale for such a measure. It probably doesn't change the threshold for foreign students who are accepted, since we're talking about a postgraduate permit here.
Why don't we want to give them access to the postgraduate work permit once they've been accepted?
:
Yes, that's correct. That will also tell us a lot about which student bodies are being taken advantage of or facing fraudulent activities.
All that said, I think this analysis is critical. Having collected this much information, you'll be able to do your preliminary analysis. That should be done as soon as possible, and that information should be shared with the committee. It will be critical, for the purpose of this study, for us to receive that information before we write the final report.
I will leave that there and hope we can get the information.
On the flip side of that, I'd be interested to know how many of the applications that have come through your screening process at this point indicate valid letters of acceptance.
:
We've had intensive discussions with national education associations, learning institutions and provinces and territories over the course of the last 18 months. That's through the tables that we convene and through ongoing conversations on all of the measures that were highlighted in my opening remarks.
Over the summer in particular, we provided detailed forward plans for a number of additional changes that would be made and announced, and those were subsequently announced in the fall. All provinces, territories and education associations were able to provide comments to us. In addition, we're in the late stages of a regulatory amendment process, and those regulatory changes were posted for public comment as well, so there's been extensive consultation.
In terms of the specific comments provided in the case of the regulatory package, those are available publicly. I think the stakeholders are probably better able to convey their views on the reforms.
Mr. Chair, I'd like to move the following motion. It was distributed to members on Tuesday:
That, given that the Minister of Immigration, Refugees, and Citizenship has failed to appear before this committee on eight separate invitations dating back to February 2024, including on the following matters:
Supplementary Estimates (C);
The Mandatory Provident Fund;
Criminal cartels exploiting visa-free travel;
Supplementary Estimates (A) and Main Estimates for fiscal year 2024/25;
The 2023 Annual Report to Parliament on Immigration;
The Labour Market Impact Assessment study;
The Auditor General’s 9th Report on Processing Applications for Permanent Residence; and
The impact of the recent changes to International Students Program study;—
That's the study we're doing here today.
—the committee reports its disappointment to the House in the Minister's repeated failure to appear, and summons the Deputy Minister and Associate Deputy Minister of Immigration, Refugees, and Citizenship to testify before the committee for no less than two hours, on November 18, to account for the Minister's absences and provide testimony on matters relevant to their department's mandate.
You all have this motion.
The 's consistent absence underscores a worrying lack of accountability during a period of escalating challenges and pressures on Canada's immigration system. The recent election on Tuesday in the United States could provide further pressure on Canada's immigration system and on national security.
Just a couple of weeks ago, the tabled the “2024 Annual Report to Parliament on Immigration”. Ironically, it was a whole year after failing to come to this committee to address the 2023 annual report. Yes, he does plan to appear on this issue, but it's really concerning. How can we trust this year's report when we weren't able to question him about last year's report?
Our concerns as Conservatives over criminal elements potentially exploiting the current immigration system have never left us, and in fact, through the recent arrival of ISIS terrorists, they have only been heightened. The failure of the to discuss criminal cartels exploiting visa-free travel is troubling if not suspicious. Recent reports indicate that organized crime networks have exploited Canada's visa-free policies, facilitating human trafficking and other criminal activities.
These security concerns necessitate stringent vetting and resource allocation. However, the lack of attention to the main estimates and the supplementary estimates—documents that outline the necessary funding for handling these increased immigration pressures—suggests that the Liberal government is unprepared to protect Canadians from these threats. Without appropriate resources, Canada's screening process could become overwhelmed, compromising national security.
The absence of the to address these estimates calls into question the Liberal government's commitment to transparency and accountability. These are necessary.
Finally, regarding today's study, international students contribute significantly to Canada's economy, but they need housing, infrastructure and support services to thrive. To date, the Liberals have demonstrated they have no plan and have no way of fixing this issue, yet the minister has so far refused to appear to speak to it.
My motion to summon the deputy minister and associate deputy minister of IRCC reflects a crucial effort to uphold transparency and accountability in light of the 's ongoing absences. Canadians deserve a government that is responsive to emerging challenges and dedicated to safeguarding national security.
It's time for to come to this committee to provide answers. It's time to bring it home.
:
That's fine, that's the answer I wanted to hear.
Mr. Chair, what I've just been told is that a pan-Canadian measure was put in place to address exponential growth, perhaps at colleges in Ontario. In doing so, they didn't realize that Quebec's education system is different from those in the rest of Canada.
The CEGEP network in Quebec only has 9,000 international students. However, the post-graduation measure implemented from coast to coast is hurting Quebec's regions. For us, having 10 technicians graduate from the Centre de formation professionnelle de Roberval—Saint-Félicien with a degree in wood processing is extremely important for the region. It keeps our factories running.
However, I was told verbatim that they didn't know how many international students there were in the CEGEP system. That response comes from the department. Frankly, it's disappointing. I know the number. How is it that I'm aware of it, yet the department doesn't know that there are only 9,000 international students in Quebec's CEGEP system? In addition, I'm told that they're taking Canada-wide measures and that they don't care about the Quebec CEGEP network. That's what we've just been told.
I'm rather outraged. I would like to end my questions now. Thank you.
My question is a follow-up.
The reason I asked about the consultation process is not that I don't know what they said, since I've been meeting with them directly. The question is whether the government knows what they're saying. That's what I'm trying to glean.
To that point, I wonder if you can spend a bit of time telling us what the government's response is to the concerns that have been raised, particularly by public colleges and universities. Second to that, I would ask the officials to table the government's response to public colleges and institutions.
:
Well, how many concerns have you heard and what are they? Maybe you can summarize them and tell the committee what the government's response is. Then you can table the rest that you have not been able to cover.
Mr. Chair, more than that—because I'm going to run out of time—I would ask the officials to table documentation on the analysis the government has done on the implications of changes to the levels plan and to the decisions related to international students. What analysis have they done with respect to those changes? What are the implications for institutions and Canada's economy, broken down by province, territory and community? As we already heard from MP Brunelle-Duceppe, implications for Quebec are different from those in British Columbia or Ontario. Even in my own province, there are differences among Vancouver, Cowichan, Ladysmith and other, smaller communities.
What analysis has the government done, and will you table that information with the committee?
:
I call the meeting back to order. Welcome back.
I would now like to welcome our witnesses for the second panel.
As an individual, we have senior policy fellow at the Canada excellence research chair in migration and integration, Naomi Alboim. Welcome, Ms. Alboim.
We also have a professor of economics. It's been a long time since I took that course when I was doing my engineering studies. Dr. Mikal Skuterud has to go at one o'clock to teach 300 students. Honourable members, if you have questions for him, please adjust accordingly.
From the U15 Group of Canadian Research Universities, we have chief executive officer Dr. Chad Gaffield here in person. Welcome.
I will give Dr. Skuterud five minutes for an opening statement.
Please go ahead.
:
Thank you for inviting me.
My name is Mikal Skuterud. I'm a professor of economics at the University of Waterloo; the director of the Canadian labour economics forum; and the Roger Phillips scholar in social policy and fellow in residence at the C.D. Howe Institute.
On my website, you'll find my disclosure statement. In it, I state:
...as a researcher, I deliberately avoid advocacy as I believe I can contribute more by seeking and disseminating objective evidence than in advancing agendas. For this reason, I have throughout my career declined funding from organizations with explicit advocacy mandates or private interests.
For 20 years, my research has been focused on the economics of Canadian immigration. I come to this research as a Canadian immigrant who deeply values Canada's exceptional record of combining high immigration levels with broad public support for immigration.
What explains Canada's exceptionalism? It's not complicated. Canada's geography and non-porous borders enable it to be highly selective in the immigrants it admits. Since 1967, we've relied on a points system that prioritizes skilled workers. The consequence is that the wage suppression effects of immigration are concentrated at the top end of the income distribution so that immigration tends, if anything, to reduce, not exacerbate, economic inequality. In Canada, lower-income citizens don't see immigrants as competition; they see them instead as doctors, professors and scientists who make their lives better.
Sadly, however, what we've seen in recent years is a dismantling of Canada's skilled immigration system as policy-makers have become obsessed with plugging holes in lower-skilled labour markets.
In March 2016, I received an email from then immigration minister John McCallum requesting feedback on six policy questions. A group of nine academic economists met with the minister three weeks later to discuss his questions, and on May 10, we sent him a 32-page written response. I think it's safe to say the feedback was never read by any of Mr. McCallum's three successors. In rereading this feedback, there's little doubt in my mind that the mess the system finds itself in now could have been avoided if our recommendations had not been ignored.
First, we advised against introducing a low-skill component to the express entry system, which is precisely what category-based selection has done. Second, we warned the government to proceed carefully in expanding foreign student admissions to two-year college programs that are focused on selling immigration, not education. Third, we recommended that the comprehensive ranking system for prioritizing economic class immigrants include as criteria both an applicant's field of study and the post-secondary institution from which they graduated.
To anyone who believes federal government policy is not responsible for the explosive growth in the foreign student admissions we've seen, I recommend comparing the federal government's 2014 and 2019 international education strategy reports. What you'll see is an unambiguous shift in focus from attracting and retaining the “best and brightest” to diversifying foreign students' fields, levels and locations of study. By 2019, there was a recognition that the potential to scale up foreign student entries and in turn immigration levels lay in the colleges that were struggling to fill their seats with domestic students. The system became fixated on growth and quantity and lost sight of the consequences for quality and our skilled immigration system.
For the past decade, Canadian voters have been told by their federal government that significant increases in immigration levels would be a tonic for Canada's sluggish economic growth. For academic economists who study immigration and understand how economies work, this narrative might have felt good, but it wasn't true. We warned the government, but nobody likes a cold shower, and we were ignored. We are seeing the consequences now.
Thank you again for the invitation. I'm happy to take questions.
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
Good morning, everyone.
Members of the committee, thank you for inviting me to testify before you today.
[English]
U15 Canada is an association representing the country's leading research universities. Through graduate programs and research activities, U15 members educate 60% of all graduate students in Canada, including 70% of all international doctoral students. These students go on to contribute across the private, public and non-profit sectors across the country while also enhancing Canada's connections around the world.
I want to start by speaking to all current and prospective international students who may be watching today. U15 universities deeply value the promise and perspectives you bring to our campuses. You remain welcome at our universities. We strongly believe in your potential to help Canada and the world build a better future, and we recognize and applaud the foundational contributions that previous generations of international students have made to Canada.
At the same time, we are deeply concerned about how recent changes to the immigration and study permit policies—such as delays in study permit processing, a freeze on permit issuance and the imposition of caps on study permits—have created significant and immediate negative consequences and continuing uncertainty. These changes have disrupted international student recruitment, weakened Canada's global reputation and deterred top talent from choosing to study in Canada.
Despite the fact that leading research universities like ours have managed international recruitment wisely and responsibly, our campuses are acutely feeling the impact of these policy shifts as they directly affect our capacity to attract and retain highly qualified international students. We understand completely that Canadians were rightly concerned about unrestricted increases in international students at some post-secondary institutions and how these increases resulted in additional pressure on housing, health care and other aspects of community life. For example, we know that the number of international students at public colleges in Canada increased by over 265% in just a decade.
In contrast, leading research universities have helped build Canada's international reputation by maintaining high standards of excellence for admission, as well as providing wraparound support for international students. U15 universities have seen only modest growth in international enrolments, averaging less than 7% a year over the last decade. Moreover, all of our universities offer housing services, provide access to counselling services and offer language supports.
We have developed best practices when it comes to recruitment, retention and support for international students. The result is that in Ontario, for example, international students at the six U15 universities make up on average 20% of the full-time student body. To compare averages, almost 47% of students at Ontario's 24 public colleges are international.
The wise and responsible efforts of research universities provide real benefits to all Canadians. Indeed, in the context of domestic tuition freezes and diminished educational transfers from some provincial governments, international student revenue helped ensure an accessible and affordable education for the next generation of domestic Canadians while also contributing $31 billion to the Canadian economy, as judged by the most recent data.
For these reasons, corrections to Canada's immigration system should be targeted measures rather than blunt instruments. As such, we have the following three recommendations.
One, rebuild Canada's reputation and reassure international students. Recent changes have already caused a notable drop in applications from graduate students. In the second quarter of 2024, the Canadian government processed 54% fewer study permit applications compared to the second quarter of 2023. This decline threatens our ability to attract and retain the best and brightest.
Our second recommendation is to implement a distinctions-based approach to promote excellence. The absence of distinctions in the new study permit caps does not reflect the public assurances that the changes were aimed at “bad actors”. For this reason, U15 Canada recommends creating a recognized institutions framework to allow IRCC to focus policy interventions where they are needed most. This framework should set high standards for institutions, use IRCC-held data to ease administrative burdens and focus on recruitment, admissions and student support practices that ensure excellence.
Our third recommendation is to protect Canada's highly qualified talent pipeline for graduate students. We are particularly concerned about the recent extension of the study permit cap to include graduate students. Graduate students make vital contributions by working in labs and libraries, facilitating industry collaborations and driving critical research. In a competitive global market for talent, these are highly mobile individuals. We urge the government to reconsider this policy, at least by exempting doctoral students, who play a fundamental role in Canada's success.
Overall, Canada must send a clear message that we welcome the best and brightest from around the world to help make a better future.
Many thanks, and I look forward to our discussion.
:
Thank you for inviting me, and good afternoon, everybody.
I will focus today on some unintended impacts of the changes to the international student program, on the importance of federal-provincial collaboration and on how to ensure the long-term sustainability and success of the program.
First, regarding unintended impacts, Canada's reputation as a consistent, predictable provider of excellent education opportunities for international students has been hurt and will need to be addressed. Many international students are choosing to go elsewhere, as evidenced by post-secondary institutions receiving fewer applications than even their reduced allocations allow. Canada's rationale for cutting back on both permanent and temporary immigration could feed into anti-immigrant sentiment, unfairly blaming migrants and immigrants for housing shortages, access to health care and other systemic problems.
Reductions in international students create an immediate financial impact on educational institutions, local communities and employers. Some will adapt, but others will not. This will affect the domestic population. Restricting access to post-graduation and spousal work permits will discourage mature student applicants and limit their labour market participation. Reductions of 60% in federal economic programs and 50% in provincial pathways to permanent residence will have a significant impact on both current and prospective students interested in applying to Canada and staying here. The trend to tie study and work permits to current Canadian labour market needs may make Canada a less attractive place to study and may not be in Canada's best interests since labour market needs change rapidly.
Second, regarding federal-provincial collaboration, the imposition of caps is an example of a change that lacked meaningful provincial involvement. I agree that some numerical limits were necessary. The international student program had become completely demand-driven, with few controls or oversights by either level of government. However, the cap is a blunt instrument imposed unilaterally by the federal government, despite it sharing responsibility for immigration with provincial jurisdiction. The cap was not based on evidence of specific problems. It appears that the IRCC determined an arbitrary percentage reduction of 35% and worked from there, painting all provinces and post-secondary institutions, whatever their level or reputation, with the same brush. The federal formula for provincial allocations was complicated and not very transparent.
I recommend a bottom-up approach in which each province rolls up data based on defined criteria for institutional capacity, outcomes and compliance, and then proposes and negotiates its allocation with the federal government. I also recommend the joint development of principles for the allocation of permits to educational institutions within provinces, ideally incorporating criteria for the proposed recognized institution framework.
The proposal to develop a recognized institution framework is an excellent opportunity for federal-provincial collaboration that jointly determines what is expected of post-secondary institutions in relation to the international student program, over and above being a provincially designated learning institution, or DLI; what the benefits would be for those recognized; and the impact of non-recognition. The framework could require institutions to demonstrate, for example, excellence in integrated education programs for domestic and international students; collaboration with the settlement sector; provision of housing; use of co-op, internship and exposure to employer programs; training, monitoring and delisting overseas recruiters; and outcome and satisfaction data by institution comparing domestic and international students. Once the framework has been jointly developed, provinces would be responsible for implementing and monitoring it. The criteria could potentially be expanded to all DLIs wanting to accept international students.
Finally, there is sustainability and success. Long-term sustainability and success will depend on a variety of factors, such as strong federal-provincial collaboration, including the joint development of objectives and planning to achieve them; a focus on excellent education and services to ensure student success; high-quality recruitment and selection processes of students from diverse countries, with high entrance requirements and accurate pre-arrival information; stable and sufficient funding for post-secondary institutions; and streamlined pathways to post-graduation work permits and permanent residence for those who excel and want to stay.
Going forward, Canada's education strategy for 2019 to 2024 is expiring this year. It is the perfect time for the federal government and provinces to jointly develop the objectives of the international student program for the next five years and to plan to implement them collaboratively.
Thank you. I look forward to your questions.
Now we will go to the rounds of questions.
I have two choices. Tell me which one you like. I can go with six minutes for each party, then two minutes, two minutes, one minute and one minute, or I can go with eight minutes, eight minutes, seven minutes and seven minutes.
An hon. member: Let's go with the six minutes.
The Chair: Okay. We'll do six minutes, then.
Mr. Kmiec, you have six minutes. Please go ahead.
My next questions are for Professor Skuterud.
Professor, I don't know if you were able to listen to some of the testimony provided by the Immigration and Refugee Board, but I'll give you a few quotes from the just to give you time to think.
The said the system is “out of control”, and then he was quoted in an article on September 22, 2024, as saying there was an “alarming trend” of more international students claiming asylum.
You wrote in the past that international students were being made to pay exorbitant tuition premiums in Canadian college programs, and you reflected on the value of obtaining an education versus the value of getting a spot to compete for permanent residency in Canada. You then noted that 130,000 former international students were on temporary visas with no realistic prospect of permanent residency.
We've seen the numbers at the Immigration and Refugee Board. The total volume of the backlog is over 250,000 as of the end of October. It was 218,000 at the end of July, which is an increase of 32,000 in the backlog in the last two months. Do you have any concerns about that? Can you expand on what you were saying originally about these 130,000 international students who have no prospect of getting permanent residency in Canada?
That's a good question. All along, with this concern about the exploding NPR population, my first worry was not about housing or youth unemployment; it was that it has been very clear in the data. I was in a TVO interview, I think two years ago, drawing attention to this.
What we had was a bulging population of non-permanent residents who were seeking a pathway to permanent residency. It was growing much faster than the new permanent resident caps could possibly absorb them. The writing has been on the wall for a very long time that this is not sustainable. What is inevitably going to happen is that people will come here under the reasonable expectation that they will be able to make a transition to PR status and they won't be able to do that. What's going to happen is their visas will expire.
Unfortunately, there's a huge data problem behind this, and that's from Statistics Canada. With the way we count the population, we assume that when a visa expires, they leave, so the data might show that the population is stabilizing, but we don't even know because we don't track exits in the data in this country.
:
Professor Skuterud, I was going to follow up on that.
Seeing the increasing number of people applying for asylum, you noted that 130,000 international students have no realistic path to PR. What do you think will happen in the future?
You have been publicly warning the ministry for at least two years. In that TVO interview, which I saw, you publicly warned that the decisions made by the previous immigration ministers were going to lead to a moment like this, with a large, bulging population of non-permanent residents having no choices and being unjustly put in a very difficult position.
Can you expand on what you think will happen in the coming months?
:
The is aware, I think, that I have never been a fan of caps. I've made that clear to him. Economists don't like caps because as soon as you cap anything, you need the government to allocate, and governments are not good at picking winners.
It is much better to create a very transparent system that is predictable and not politicized. That is what category-based selection has done. It has politicized economic immigrant selection. I've been a strong critic of that. I think that's the worst immigration policy introduced in this country in the last five decades. I feel very seriously about that.
There's no need for caps if you create a transparent system, which we had for decades. The problem is that, now, people are playing the lottery. Post-secondary institutions and employers who take in temporary foreign workers are monetizing that lottery. They're willing to hold it up as a carrot: “Come to Canada and here's your lottery ticket.” That's the problem.
We need a way more transparent system than we currently have.
:
Thank you for your answer, Professor.
My next question is directed to Ms. Alboim.
Ms. Alboim, to be clear, this was not a unilateral stoppage. We consulted with provinces and territories. asked the provinces to get their houses in order, but they did not. That's why the federal government had to take action on limiting international students.
For my question to you, I will quote a report by you: “Within Canada, public colleges in Ontario receive the lowest level of funding from their provincial government and have relied most heavily on international students as a revenue source.”
Can you speak about the consequences of such a move by provincial governments for international students—specifically for their well-being and success in Ontario—and for institutions from a reputational perspective?
:
Thank you for referring to a report I wrote.
I think it's very problematic when you look at the funding. I can speak directly about Ontario, but it's similar, to different extents, in other provinces.
It was very concerning when the provincial government reduced funding to colleges and universities while simultaneously putting a freeze on the ability of those institutions to raise their domestic tuition. That put institutions in a very serious position. Colleges in Ontario are very entrepreneurial, and they realized they would have to do something to replace the reduction in funding. They turned to international students in unfortunately a very big way that caused real difficulties for the students who came to Ontario, particularly through the public-private partnerships that have been talked about this morning. International students who arrived were getting a subpar education and a subpar student experience. It was being done purely for financial benefit.
I am quite pleased that the federal government used the post-graduation work permit to withdraw the opportunity for students, not current ones, to enter those schools in the future. That in itself has dramatically reduced the number of students choosing to enter the colleges that were providing subpar education. It will have the biggest impact, I think, on.... I mean, students have followed this. They know they're not going to be able to stay to work post-graduation, so they are voting with their feet. They are not going to those colleges.
I think that is a positive thing the federal government did. It has had a positive impact.
:
Thank you for the question. There are two key aspects here.
First, Canada is obviously a very diverse country. There are different traditions and strengths all across Canada. Having a good understanding of the various contexts is essential when developing federal policies.
Second, here is a good example. To manage the research security file, we set up a working group made up of representatives like me. I co-chaired that working group with our government partners. We worked together to develop policies, to see how these measures could be put in place to properly reflect Canada's strengths and differences.
It works. Today, I think it's fair to say that we have the policies we need. We've developed the necessary approaches to manage this file for the good of Canada. To my mind, in this context, that collaboration is essential. We need a kind of working group, for example, that enables us to properly examine a file and fully understand all its complexity in order to achieve a good result.
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
Thank you to the witnesses for their excellent presentations.
What we're seeing is the federal government responding to the housing crisis that, frankly, successive Liberal and Conservative governments created. The first go-to is to blame outsiders. Who are they blaming? They blame international students, migrant workers, immigrants and on and on down the line. This kind of approach has unintended consequences, as both of you mentioned, and they can be very significant.
You also mentioned that the approach the government took was a blunt instrument to address this situation. There's a distinction between the public-private partnerships that have taken place and the escalation of the problems that came out. Instead of taking a specific approach to address that, the government took this other, broader approach with much broader implications.
My first question, for Ms. Alboim, is about unintended consequences. I wonder if you can speak about the students already here who will be impacted by this announcement and likely fall out of status. What do you think is the appropriate approach to address that issue? Should regularization for these students, who have invested their time and money in Canada, be recognized?
:
Many of the students who are already in Canada will go home—many will go to third countries—but many of them want to stay, and the reduction in the permanent numbers, which were also announced in the levels plan, will have a very significant impact on students who are already here.
The provincial nominee programs have been reduced by 50%. Many of the provinces across the country had special streams that would allow international students to transition to permanent residency through PNPs. Other economic programs have also been reduced. Even if students qualify with high levels of points, there won't be enough spaces for them to transition to permanent residency because those numbers have been reduced quite significantly. That's a problem.
Even for the international students who are here now and aren't necessarily looking for permanent residency yet, or who haven't made up their mind or want to get some work experience before they go back to their home countries, the eligibility criteria for post-graduation work permits is being restricted. Many of them will not be able to continue to work, and they cannot get their PGWPs extended or renewed. The tightening on the TFW permits is also being restricted.
I think there is a possibility that many current international students will have no legal avenues to remain in Canada, and that will create a difficulty.
:
To that end, the question is, should the government entertain a regularization scheme for people who are already here and who have already contributed? I'm going to park that question for you to think about, Ms. Alboim.
In the meantime, I'm going to Mr. Gaffield. Thank you so much for your testimony.
You indicated that universities have built-in systems to address the housing needs of international students. Back in the day—I came here from the provincial arena—there was a program whereby the province, the federal government and the universities or colleges—the institutions—would create housing in a partnership to address housing needs, not just for international students but for domestic students as well.
Would you support a call for the federal government to bring back a program that divides the funding in, let's say, a one-third split—one-third institution, one-third province, one-third federal government—and creates a plan for developing housing to meet the needs of both international students and domestic students?
:
Thank you very much for that question.
I have three quick points.
First of all, we totally support and recognize that students need housing. They need food security too, which is an issue. We must provide for our students. That is one of the reasons that our institutions have embarked on policies of modest growth and never excessive, too-rapid growth. It's to ensure they're able to keep pace.
Along the lines of what you're saying, there have been really ingenious and effective ways to try to do this. I know, for example, that some of our universities have bought hotels—sometimes in partnership—to provide extra space.
I'm not aware of the program that you speak of, but I do think that universities have been good in being open to that sort of program.