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I call this meeting to order.
Welcome to meeting number 56 of the House of Commons Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration.
Before we resume the consideration of Bill , I would like to ask for the committee's approval of the study budgets and discuss the calendar briefly so we can schedule the studies.
The first thing I need to ask the committee members is this: Is it the will of the committee to approve a budget of $7,250 for the study of Bill ?
Some hon. members: Agreed.
The Chair: Is it the will of the committee to approve a budget of $1,500 for the study of the main estimates 2023-24?
Some hon. members: Agreed.
The Chair: Just to give a little glance of the upcoming meetings and the budget and some dates we need to be mindful of, this coming Wednesday the and will appear with officials for one panel each on the Afghanistan study. That is the meeting on Wednesday, March 29.
We go into two break weeks, so the next meeting after March 29 will be April 17. In order to respect the deadline of April 26, clause-by-clause consideration of Bill is scheduled for April 17, 2023. We have to take it back to the House before April 26. Amendments must be sent to the clerk by March 31, 2023. That will be this Friday.
Is everyone okay that we do this clause-by-clause on April 17, so that we respect the deadline Parliament has given to us? Good.
Senator McPhedran has accepted the committee's invitation to appear on Wednesday, April 19 for two hours on the Afghanistan study. She is already scheduled in. For Monday, April 24, is unavailable, but he has confirmed his availability on Wednesday, April 26. On Monday, April 26, we are already scheduled with and officials. They confirmed that they are available to appear on April 26 on the main estimates.
How would the committee like to proceed?
I would like to get the committee's guidance on which study to prioritize. was scheduled to come before the committee for the mains, but has also given the date of April 26.
Mr. Redekopp.
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Is everyone agreed on that?
Some hon. members: Agreed.
The Chair: We are trying to do the schedule. We are waiting for the date from . Marc Garneau has already given a date. We will have to reschedule 's date if the will of the committee members is to have the on the 26th.
Madam Clerk, can you work on these dates?
We will try to schedule those meetings on the motion that was presented by as quickly as possible.
Is that okay with everyone?
Some hon. members: Agreed.
The Chair: Thank you.
Yes, we have Ms. Lalonde.
:
It's part (c), “That, invites be issued for the appearances of senior departmental officials from the Department of National Defence to appear before the committee....” Is that okay? That's good.
Now we can proceed to Bill .
You have my apologies, Senator Martin and Mr. Hallan.
Today, pursuant to the order of reference of Thursday, June 23, 2022, the committee will resume consideration of Bill , an act to amend the Citizenship Act, regarding the granting of citizenship to certain Canadians.
On behalf of the committee, I would like to welcome the sponsors of the bill, the Honourable Yonah Martin, senator, and Jasraj Singh Hallan, member of Parliament for Calgary Forest Lawn.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
Good evening, colleagues.
It's a honour for me to speak to you about this Senate public bill. Bill , formerly Bill , is an act to amend the Citizenship Act to permit certain persons who lost their Canadian citizenship to regain citizenship. The bill is about a group of Canadians. I say, “Canadians”, but they are lost Canadians until we are able to reinstate their citizenship rightfully.
I am a proud, naturalized Canadian. I was born in South Korea and first arrived in Vancouver in 1972. I became a citizen five years later. I understand the value, the symbolism and the importance of our citizenship. I come to you today humbly as a naturalized Canadian and someone who came across this important group of lost Canadians and their plight. I know that there are other groups as well, which I have learned, and I've been able to work on them with Don Chapman, who is here as one of the witnesses today. I know that he is a true champion of lost Canadians.
This Senate bill addresses a specific gap in the Citizenship Act to capture a group of Canadians, or lost Canadians, who lost their status or became stateless because of changes to policy.
In 1977, the Citizenship Act added a new provision that applied only to second-generation Canadians born abroad on or after February 15, 1977. In order to keep their citizenship, these individuals had to reaffirm their status before their 28th birthday. This law was passed and then forgotten. The government never published a retention form. There were no instructions on how an individual would reaffirm their Canadian citizenship, and those affected were never told a retention requirement even existed.
In 2009, the Citizenship Act was amended by Bill . It was one of the first government bills that I had a chance to study as a member of the committee that studied Bill C-37. This change saw the age 28 rule repealed entirely. Canadians caught up in the age 28 rule but who had not yet reached the age of 28 were grandfathered in. However, what I didn't fully realize at that time was that Bill C-37 did not include Canadians who were born abroad between 1977 and 1981, essentially those who had already turned 28 before the passage of Bill C-37 in 2009. Today the age 28 retention rule still remains in effect only for those second-generation Canadians born inside a 50-month window from February 15, 1977, to April 16, 1981, those who had already turned 28 when that age 28 rule was repealed through Bill .
Many of these individuals were raised in Canada from a young age. They were born abroad. Some, like me, came to Canada much younger, such as at two months of age. They went to school in Canada, they raised their families in Canada, and they worked and paid taxes in Canada, yet they turned 28 without knowing that their citizenship would be stripped from them because of the change in policy from that previous bill I spoke about. Bill will allow these Canadians to continue their lives without fear, knowing that they are valued and supported by reinstating them as Canadians.
Again I would like to acknowledge the work of Don Chapman, a tireless advocate and champion for lost Canadians who will appear before you later today.
Colleagues, Bill received unanimous support in the Senate, and today I invite your support of this bill here in the House of Commons committee.
I would also like to acknowledge MP Jasraj Hallan, the sponsor of the bill in the House of Commons, and thank him for his work and dedication to helping lost Canadians and to this bill, which will reinstate citizenship to a group of lost Canadians who have always been Canadians and rightfully deserve to be given back their citizenship.
I would be remiss if I didn't mention MP Jenny Kwan, who has also been a tireless champion on this particular issue.
Thank you, colleagues.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
Thank you, colleagues, for your patience while we conducted committee business.
I'm going to ask you to wait a bit longer, because I have a notice of motion I want to give verbally to the committee. Then, I'll have a few questions to ask.
I'm providing a verbal notice of the following:
That, the committee report the following to the House: that Russian opposition leader Vladimir Kara-Murza is facing political persecution in the Russian Federation including a show trial with high treason charges following his public condemnation of the unjustified and illegal war by Russia against Ukraine. That Vladimir Kara-Murza has survived two assassination attempts by poisoning including in 2015 and 2017, and that he is currently imprisoned in Russia and his health is failing. That Vladimir Kara-Murza is the recipient of the Vaclav Havel Human Rights Prize awarded by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, and is a Senior Fellow to the Raoul Wallenberg Centre for Human Rights. Therefore, the committee calls on the Government of Canada to grant honorary Canadian citizenship to Vladimir Kara-Murza and demand that the Russian Federation set him free.
I have it in French and English, for the clerk's convenience.
Colleagues, that is the last bit of administration I want to cover off.
Senator Martin, perhaps I could ask you first.
This is the second time this bill is coming through here. Can you talk about the sense of urgency in having this bill pass? We are so close to completely closing this legislative hole created by Parliament inadvertently. This is an issue that's now lasted several decades, so perhaps I could start with that.
How close are we to completing this bill? If amendments are considered, it will get sent back to the Senate and cause further delay. I'll start with that.
:
Thank you for the question.
Yes, this is the second iteration of the bill. The first one, Bill , died on the Order Paper. I don't even remember the year, but it was a few years ago. This is the second attempt, and it has reached this committee. I'm very pleased we are here, at this stage, and I thank all members for their attention to this bill.
The lost Canadians issue is decades old. As I said, I came across an individual, Don Chapman, with whom, I'm sure, some of you also met. He's quite a champion, because he was a lost Canadian. From that point of view, he has been very tireless. I've been educated through my meetings with him and in looking at some of the details of how we have groups of individuals who became lost and who need to be reinstated.
There are other categories of lost Canadians, for sure. To look at that separately would require government legislation, perhaps—other bills put forward. I know there have been piecemeal attempts in the past as well. For this specific bill, I decided to start with a very small cohort. It made sense, as they had already turned age 28 by the time Bill came into effect. Therefore, even though it was grandfathered to those who hadn't yet turned 28, those who did were left out.
That seemed like a natural group to address first. I looked at all the other categories, but this one seemed, I'd say, the least contentious or most obvious. That's why, I think, in the Senate, with my Senate colleagues, and before committee, the first time around, we didn't have any officials raising concerns. They just couldn't answer how many people would get captured, should this bill be adopted.
We don't know the exact numbers. The officials before the committee, last week, attempted to answer some of that. That's why it's very focused. I hope this committee and the House can get behind this bill. We are very close.
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As you said, Senator, I'm a naturalized Canadian from communist Poland. I know my dear friend from Calgary, just north of me—who's taking 40% of my riding—is a naturalized Canadian as well.
You talked about the fact that it's probably a few hundred people. There are varying numbers. The department said that approximately 130 individuals are affected by the 1977 act with retention requirements to receive a grant of citizenship through the Citizenship Act, subsection 5(4), as a discretionary grant. Since then, it could be a few hundred more.
We have another colleague, from Saskatchewan, who was one of the impacted Canadians. Thankfully, his grandfather told him this was going to be the case.
Do you think that, in this case, because it's a few hundred Canadians—some of whom may not know they have lost their citizenship—there's a sense of urgency in passing this bill as quickly as we can, before another election is potentially called?
:
Thank you very much, Madam Chair.
Thank you to the senator for bringing this important bill forward. I appreciate its giving us an opportunity to look at the issue of lost Canadians. As you've indicated, Senator, the scope of the bill is very limited. That means that many people will still be left out in the situation of lost Canadians.
You were just mentioning the suffering that people have to endure as a result of that. What we do know, of course, is that the second-generation rule cut-off from the previous administration took place in 2009. Consequently, a class of people—Canadians—all of a sudden lost their right to be Canadian and were deemed lost Canadians and second-class citizens in that way.
That said, we have an opportunity to fix this. I get that the scope of the bill only deals with the 28-year rule. Do you have any objection to the idea of fixing the other lost Canadians on the second-generation rule where people have been cut off? That's one piece.
The other piece is to fix the rule for those who were born before 1947—the war heros, if you will, who fought for Canada and died for Canada and were never recognized as Canadians.
Would you agree that we should actually try to fix those? Would you have any objections to that?
:
First of all, I want to thank you and recognize the work that you have done on this issue for years.
The two groups that you mentioned—the second-generation cohort and those before 1947—I am aware of these groups of lost Canadians. It's very important to look at them. I would say that as a committee.... I'm not sure if this committee has studied the lost Canadians issue in great length. Maybe those could be looked at together, whether it's the government of the day or yourselves or maybe even me from the Senate. We could work together and look at these categories separately.
This bill, which is very narrow in scope, was purposely designed that way so that everyone.... For all the other groups you're talking about, there will be much debate about these categories. I know that in the Senate, the bill was unanimously adopted. These are all things that will have to be looked at carefully.
I would say that I support it in spirit and it's something that we could do afterwards, but for the purpose of this bill, keeping it narrow is the what I would recommend.
Of course, luckily, we will actually have experts who will come after this panel. Don Chapman, as you mentioned, has spent his entire life, virtually, fighting for this issue. He has actually brought, to share with all of us, this nifty little thing to tell us all about it. The matter, of course, has actually been looked at by committee at different times, with Bill , Bill and so on. This has been debated over and over again.
What we do know is that there is a group of citizens who lost their “Canadianness” because of Bill repealing their right, so we need to make them whole. In fact, as a result of that, a group of Canadians are suing the government at the moment. As we speak, people's lives are being destroyed because of being separated from their loved ones. They can't come to Canada to live their lives.
I appreciate that we have time, but really we don't because people's lives are being impacted. I feel the urgency of the families who want to bring this forward.
What I'm hearing from you, though, is that you don't object to trying to fix this. Therefore, I certainly hope we at the committee will try to do that, because I think it is important to try to fix things so that people's lives are not being destroyed.
With respect to the age 28 rule, with the amendments you have brought forward there are still a couple of gaps, which the officials indicated when they presented to us last week. If the committee members were to bring amendments to fix those gaps for the age 28 rule, would you have any objection to that?
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No, I don't believe that. I think as written it does address those who were captured in the age 28 rule. That's clear.
On the question about June 2015, which would effect moving the first-generation limit from April 2009 to June 2015, the second part of the explanation from legal counsel says that, while it could be made more clear, as written the bill does not purport to have retroactive effect. That would need to be explicit. It cannot be implied. Without retroactive effect, anyone born between 2009 and June 2015 would be governed by the Citizenship Act as it read prior to the enactment of Bill .
The subclause was put in so that my bill, if enacted, will intersect and work effectively with the previous bill, Bill , and not the opposite, as implied by the official. If there's something that could be amended to greater clarify this, I'm very open to that.
:
Thank you, Mr. Kmiec, my good friend.
I'd just like to open by thanking the committee for letting us be here today and for all the hard work of people like my good friend Senator Martin and Don Chapman. I'd like to thank them for the incredible work they've done to get the bill this far. I think this is the furthest this bill has ever gotten.
To your question, Mr. Kmiec, definitely there are differences of opinion all the time inside the House. I think what is clear in this very narrow and specific bill is the spirit behind getting this specific group of lost Canadians the right to be granted their citizenship again. It was something that was stripped from them very unfairly, and something that they didn't know about. I think our action moving forward....
I think you highlighted something very important. This is a narrow bill, and we don't know how much time we have. An election can get called at any point. All the good work that's led us up to the furthest we've ever been with this bill can be wiped out if we don't move on this quickly. In my opinion, and I think it's the opinion of the senator as well, we should get through this as quickly as we can to give citizenship rights back to those who were stripped of them unfairly.
Yes, the form of the bill in its current state does not address it. Of course, what would be required would be amendments to the bill to address those properly.
I get it. We can always wait and wait, but as we wait people's lives are being destroyed.
I know, Mr. Hallan, that you would not want people's lives destroyed and that you would want them to be able to be united with their loved ones. Some of them are separated from their loved ones right now and are unable to come to Canada, because they are immobilized because of the bill changes from . We would want to fix that expeditiously, one would assume.
I want to turn for a moment to this bill on the age 28 rule. The age 28 rule also meant that for people who applied before age 28 but were denied because they were not able to meet the residency rule due to the grant process and the residency rule, those people's lives have been destroyed. This bill does not—
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
Senator Martin, I want to thank you for thinking about the lost Canadians.
I want to thank you for helping me. I'm sure you recall, when I brought in a private member's bill and one of the Conservative senators took an adjournment. You were the deputy leader. You were there and Senator Ataullahjan was there to help me with my bill on April as Sikh Heritage Month. I see the passion on your side, as well, to get it through.
On the other hand, I have some questions here that I am sure you and Mr. Hallan will be able answer. I'm also one of the people who came to Canada in 1984 as an immigrant in Calgary. I got my citizenship at the very first opportunity in 1987.
Senator, I know you have done significant research into the changes made to the Citizenship Act in 2009 and 2015. We know those changes came into effect on a delayed basis with a coming into force provision.
Considering all the complications highlighted by IRCC officials, do you think a coming into force provision might help ensure that Bill doesn't lead to unintended consequences? If not, why?
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I am not at all opposed to getting those other people recognized, but my fear is that we're running against time right now.
Mr. Dhaliwal, you've been around here much longer than I have. We know that time sometimes works against us in these bills. I'm afraid that the bigger this scope gets, the more complicated it will become and the more debate will take place. My friend, Hon. Yonah Martin, was very specific to this group in order to get it this far now. If an election were called, all that good work would go.
I would encourage, just like my friend did, that any one of us as parliamentarians, and even someone in the Senate, can bring forward another bill much like this one that could address other people who fall into different categories. That's another option that can be brought. I'm afraid that if an election gets called, because we're in a minority Parliament, this group of lost Canadians will, unfairly, not have the justice they deserve, and we'll start from scratch all over again.
We've gotten this far. It's taken a lot of work from the good people on this committee and in Parliament, my good friend Yonah Martin, and Don Chapman, who's been an absolute champion in getting things this far. It would be wrong for us to not right the wrong for these people who lost their citizenship unfairly.
:
I call the meeting to order.
On behalf of the committee members, I would like to welcome our witnesses for this panel.
Today, we are joined by Randall Emery, executive director, Canadian Citizens Rights Council; Daniel Bernhard, chief executive officer, Institute for Canadian Citizenship; Don Chapman, founder and head of Lost Canadians; and Amandeep Hayer, Canadian Bar Association, British Columbia immigration law section.
After the opening remarks, we will go into rounds of questioning.
Mr. Hayer, please begin. You have five minutes for your opening remarks.
My name is Amandeep Hayer. I am the secretary of the Canadian Bar Association's B.C. immigration law section, and I appear today on behalf of the CBA national immigration law section.
The CBA is a national association of 37,000 members, including lawyers, judges, notaries, academics and law students. We have a 120-year-old mandate to seek improvements in the law and the administration of justice.
Thank you for having me address the committee from Surrey, B.C., which is the traditional and unceded ancestral territory of the Katzie, Semiahmoo, Kwantlen and other Coast Salish first nations.
My purpose for being here today is to, first, express our support for the bill and the goals advanced by the bill; second, suggest an amendment to the bill to clarify when citizenship will be restored to; and third, address two specific concerns the CBA section has with the state of citizenship law today.
The section supports the goals advanced by this bill. The bill allows another group of lost Canadians to reacquire the benefits of Canadian citizenship, but we note there is an omission. It does not state when citizenship will be restored to. Will it be the date the bill comes into effect, or the date citizenship was lost? These are important questions, because they will have implications for the subjects of the restoration.
If the restoration is the date the bill is approved, it could impact the legal rights they have in other countries. For example, in a country that does not permit dual citizenship, acquisition of citizenship after birth may be grounds to revoke their citizenship in that country.
Previous amendments to the act designed to restore citizenship on those Canadians who had lost it intentionally specify to what date citizenship will be restored. See subsection 3(7) as one such example. Our recommendation is that the bill be amended to clarify to what date citizenship will be restored.
The next issue is the forgotten Canadians. Citizenship law has evolved over time. As the values that underpin the social fabric of our nation have changed, citizenship law has followed suit, but echoes of former laws and values still reverberate through the current legislation. One such example is a group of Canadians related to the subject of this bill who were denied access to Canadian citizenship from the outset.
Between January 1, 1947, and February 15, 1977, a person born outside of Canada could only inherit Canadian citizenship if their parents were married and their father was a Canadian citizen or, if their parents were unmarried and their mother was a Canadian citizen.
On February 15, 1977, the current act came into effect. For those born before that date, the act continued to apply the old law under paragraph 3(1)(e). However, under subsection 5(2), a provision existed for people to be granted Canadian citizenship if they could not qualify for it under paragraph 3(1)(e) because the wrong parent was Canadian.
However, the grant had an issue. For those who qualified under section 3(1)(e), their effective date of citizenship was their date of birth, while for those who qualified under subsection 5(2), it was the date the grant was approved.
Since citizens by descent are only citizens if they were born after their parents became Canadian, there was a direct implication on their children. For those who were approved under subsection 5(2), only those children born after the date of approval would be Canadian. For those who were approved under paragraph 3(1)(e), their effective date of citizenship was their date of birth, but the children would be subject to the section 8 retention requirements that are the subject of this bill.
Since which section applied depended entirely on the gender and the marital status of the parents, we contend that it is contrary to section 15 of the charter, as the Supreme Court held in Benner v. Canada. Therefore, our recommendation is that the act be amended to deem everyone whose parents applied for Canadian citizenship under subsection 5(2) as Canadians today.
Finally, I would like to address the first-generation limit. We note that the first-generation limit has unintended hardships for people who have certain strong ties to Canada but may have be born in the second or subsequent generation. One such example might be a mother who goes into labour while shopping in the U.S. The CBA section encourages Parliament to consider these impacts and possible mitigating measures.
Thank you very much. I welcome your questions.
:
Madam Chair, Mr. Vice-Chair, and committee members, thank you for having invited me to testify today on the importance of Canadian citizenship.
Even though I'm not an expert on the lost Canadians issue that you are discussing this afternoon, I'd like to situate this conversation within the overall context of Canadian citizenship and its importance.
[English]
The Institute for Canadian Citizenship, which I am so honoured to lead, facilitates and encourages newcomers to complete the journey to full and active Canadian citizenship, not just in their passports but also in their hearts.
Our work, therefore, is an act of service not just to immigrants but to all of Canada, because when newcomers decide that this is their place and that these are their people, they contribute their talent, energy and resourcefulness to our shared success. With the best of the world on our team and contributing to their full potential, Canada can be unstoppable. Citizenship, I believe, is at the heart of that promise. It's all about whether immigrants believe they're on our team.
Each of you, of course, is a member of a team—a political team—so you would understand the power of that experience well.
Our organization hosts 60 enhanced citizenship ceremonies per year in partnership with IRCC. I get to attend a handful of them, and I can say without a doubt that this is the best part of my job. Unlike standard ceremonies, we hold wonderful round table discussions where new citizens reflect on their journeys and on the significance of the moment. No two stories are the same, but they are uniformly moving.
From these new citizens I've learned that becoming Canadian is like passing through a one-way door. Behind them lies a long path of hard work and often hardship that sometimes spans multiple generations. Before them, however, lies another path, also reaching deep into the future, but this one is paved with a sense of peace, security and relief, which many of us who are born in Canada may struggle to understand.
I know a bit about this and many of you do as well. When my daughter was born, she was the first person in our family born in the same country as her parents in almost 150 years. For a century, we were on the run. Thanks to my parent's decision to immigrate to Canada, we're now finally home for good.
Today's conversation, however, is particularly important because of plummeting naturalization rates. In February, our organization released new data showing that the proportion of permanent residents who become citizens within 10 years dropped 40% between 2001 and 2021.
These data draw attention to uncomfortable truths about Canada that we have really yet to confront. They compel us to change our perspective from a, frankly, self-satisfied view that we must restrict Canadian citizenship lest everyone in the world pursue it, to a more humble outlook that is centred around a commitment to restore the promise and desirability of being Canadian.
In other words, I urge you not to limit your gaze to the so-called lost Canadians of the past, but also to remember the lost Canadians of the present and future. They are the millions of people who could join team Canada but are choosing not to.
[Translation]
The marked decline in the number of permanent residents who obtain citizenship in their first decade in Canada has deep and serious consequences. For example, imagine a future in which a large percentage of the population did not have the right to vote. It wouldn't amount to an apartheid policy, but the impact would be very similar.
The sense of belonging is very powerful. If people don't consider Canada to be their society, then they won't dedicate themselves to it, or get involved in our culture and contribute their utmost to making our society a success. That's a danger of concern to all of us.
[English]
We must roll up our sleeves to restore the value of being Canadian.
The Institute for Canadian Citizenship is leading the way with our Canoo access pass, which today gives over 150,000 newcomers free, VIP entry to over 1,400 of our country's best cultural and nature attractions, making Canada easier to love and harder to leave. With your support, we can continue to grow and become a standard feature of the Canadian immigration experience.
[Translation]
Thanks to Canoo, our cultural access pass, about 1,000 newcomers visit some of the best cultural and nature attractions every day. They enjoy themselves, meet us, discover our culture, and become a part of it.
[English]
We need an all-hands-on-deck mentality to restore the promise of being Canadian, not just for the few but also for the many. I hope today's conversation supports, for their own sake, those who were edged out of citizenship in the past but also reminds us about all those who can and should become Canadians in the future, but may choose not to.
Thank you very much.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair, members of the committee.
My name is Randall Emery. I am a regulated Canadian immigration consultant and the executive director of the Canadian Citizens Rights Council, which stands for democratic, equality, multicultural and mobility rights.
We applaud Senator Martin and MP Hallan for sponsoring Bill , which would address one of several inequities in citizenship law for children born abroad. We also call on them, and all parties, to champion amendments to address more lost Canadians.
As we balance competing concerns, we should think about three things: our constitution, international considerations and the human cost of continued inaction.
First, Canada should respect equality and mobility rights when addressing citizenship by descent. I've met many of you personally, and I understand the concern for people passing through Canada. However, just as people pass through Canada, Canadians pass through other countries. Moreover, some Canadians have genuine connections to Canada and other countries at the same time. If we employ some connection test, we should apply it equally to all three groups. Failing that, we should at least give impacted Canadians the same deal we afford government workers.
Current law forces some Canadians to choose between mobility rights and the legal and moral duty to care for their children. For example, as described in the ongoing charter challenge, a Canadian parent has been exiled with her children on multiple occasions since 2017, with the child now experiencing suicidal ideation. This is unjust and unfair.
Second, Canada should follow other countries to avoid the worst unintended consequences. Canada ranks dead last on family unity when we compare ourselves to the G7, our European trading partners, Australia, New Zealand and other continental American countries. Half of these countries ensure unlimited citizenship by descent by simple operation of law. Another quarter ensure citizenship retroactive to birth provided the birth is registered. We are the bottom of a cohort dominated by English-speaking countries, which creates its own problems for us as a shared culture.
The counterpoint to concerns about job restrictions abroad due to automatic citizenship is the concern for family separation due to lost citizenship. Some countries revoke citizenship if you voluntarily apply for another. Examples include Japan, Spain, Germany and Austria. To avoid the more serious consequence to a much larger group of people, we recommend that citizenship be opt-out with renunciation versus opt-in with a grant application.
Finally, we must consider the human cost of continued inaction. In addition to the charter challenge, stories submitted during this study clearly illustrate the harm to individual families. One mother has three daughters, two are Canadian and one is not, simply because of the year of her birth. One family has ended six generations of Canadian heritage, because the mother was born abroad in the eighties, lived in Canada for nearly 30 years and then went on to have children in the U.K. The problem also impacts my children, who are seated in this room today.
Officials told you last week that the scope includes untold numbers of children, possibly in the tens of thousands. In other words, the law inflicts severe harm to Canadian families in vast numbers. The egregiousness of the issue calls for an immediate response.
Let me conclude by, again, thanking Senator Martin and MP Hallan for sponsoring this bill. We implore them to champion amendments with members of all parties to address as many lost Canadian issues as possible, including the many historical ones.
Thank you.
When Canada stripped me of my citizenship in 1961, many of you had not been born. I was six, so I relate to the lost Canadian children of today. They're watching you, and, by not including them, you're compounding their rejection and pain. They're not stupid. They know that Canada doesn't want them. It's akin to being booted out of your own family. I know the agony and the gut-wrenching feelings both as a child and as an adult.
With Bill in 2005, I could be Canadian again but my minor-aged daughters weren't welcome, and I was born in Canada.
Canada must practice what it preaches: fairness, compassion, inclusion, peace, order, good government, equal rights and, above all, human rights. With lost Canadians, Canada has failed miserably.
As an airline pilot, I'd never ditch an airplane and willingly leave my passengers behind. As a Canadian, I can't leave fellow lost Canadians behind, particularly children and babies, and neither should you. Without amendments, you'll be condoning forced family separation, tiered citizenship, statelessness, women having fewer rights than men and booting out 111,000 of Canada's soldiers.
“To stand on guard for thee”—is that just hyperbole?
Canada is contravening three UN human rights conventions, the charter, the Canadian Bill of Rights, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the rule of law. Are you okay with that?
Lost Canadian children face depression, anxiety, loss and suicide. They suffer no differently than the residential school survivors. Did you know that lost Canadians include indigenous people and that the Catholic Church sold Canadian babies? Did you know about the murdered butter box babies and the pre-1947 Chinese Canadians? Should they be remembered as only stateless, registered aliens?
Bureaucrats talk about unintended consequences and of creating future lost Canadians. Well, that ship has sailed. Let's talk about intended consequences. By not adding amendments, you'll be creating far more lost Canadians.
Thirteen years ago, I gave a detailed report to Nicole Girard. Nothing happened except that the issue got exponentially worse. We're here today because of intended consequences. Bureaucrats want subsection 5(4) grants. It's a cruel and awful solution. An IRCC director general recently explained how the 5(4) process has become political, with the outcome being at the whim of a bureaucrat or politician. It should be by operation of law.
The children of one family have been denied five times in 14 years. From newborns to teenagers, all they have known is rejection. There's a 12-year-old Canadian citizen, an orphan boy, currently in Syria. IRCC cancelled his caretaker aunt's citizenship without a hearing or judicial review. One day she's Canadian; the next she's not. IRCC encouraged her to apply for a grant. It was approved three years ago, but two citizenship ministers won't sign off. This Canadian child is currently in an earthquake war zone. His twin sister and father were killed by a random terrorist bombing. If anything happens to this boy, , by his inaction, makes Canada an accomplice.
Remember Alan Kurdi? Are you ready for that negative press from around the world? I have 28 other horror stories of 5(4) grants, including my own.
Sometimes individuals got deported. For example, Pete Geisbrecht, a 28-year-old, was given by IRCC 30 days to voluntarily get out of Canada. If he didn't leave, he would be shackled with bracelets. The authorities threatened him in front of his wife and child, and they will never forget.
Lost Canadian Roméo Dallaire called IRCC's process “inhumane” and “bureaucratic terrorists”. Bureaucrats are consistently inconsistent and make lots of mistakes. Case processors often don't know the laws, and they come and go. There have been four citizenship ministers just under Mr. . What's needed is a dedicated citizenship ombudsman.
Since 2009 CIMM has done 128 studies. Only six were on citizenship, so obviously, citizenship is not your priority.
Canada is supposed to turn immigrants and refugees into good Canadian citizens, and I can show, with me, that they often turn Canadian citizens into immigrants. They do it the wrong way. After one of our court cases, Monte Solberg said the decision could cost tens of billions. That's a lot of money just to keep Canadians out of their own country.
There's another charter challenge. It's going to be heard next month. The government's arguing against equal rights; we're arguing for equal rights. If the government wins, out goes the Charter of Rights and Freedoms as you know it.
Without amendments, there will be many more charter challenges. With amendments, that becomes moot.
As for derivative claims or conferring citizenship to people unknowingly or any other concerns, I can help you. I want to fix the issue once and for all, and I hope you do too.
Thank you.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
Thank you to all of our witnesses for sharing their valuable testimony today.
What's the value of Canadian citizenship? I believe that's the question we have to look at. Seven days ago, a week ago, we began our study of this legislation. At that time, I gave notice of a motion regarding citizenship ceremonies, which are the backbone of our immigration system. My motion basically calls on the government to prioritize in-person citizenship ceremonies—but allow virtual ceremonies if those are specifically requested—and, most importantly, not allow people to get their citizenship by clicking a mouse. Newcomers I talk to really value these citizenship ceremonies, but the government seems to be trying to downplay and even eliminate these ceremonies.
My first question is for Mr. Bernhard from the Institute for Canadian Citizenship.
Your organization puts on many citizenship ceremonies. Do you see the inherent value of in-person ceremonies?
:
Another term for a grant of citizenship is naturalization. The date the grant is approved or a person takes the oath of citizenship, depending on how the grant works, is the effective date of their citizenship.
I'm assuming what you mean is what was in my specific submission, which was on the questions of subsection 5(2) and paragraph 3(1)(e).
With subsection 5(2), when the grant was approved, IRCC would send out a letter saying, yes, we agree that your parent was Canadian. They were the wrong gender and therefore, we are going to approve you with a grant. Your effective date of citizenship is the date of this letter.
For somebody whose citizenship was restored afterwards, with restoration they took everyone back. They created a bit of a magic pencil and said they would go all the way back in time to someone's date of birth and deem them to have been a citizen the entire time.
For those individuals I mentioned with respect to subsection 5(2), that's what happened to them in 2009. In 2009, they retroactively cancelled all those grants. They made them all retroactive to the someone's date of birth. In our submissions, it says their children were never put into the system, so under subsection 3(4) there was a transition clause that, if somebody was a citizen, they would be able to continue to maintain their citizenship if they were born in a second or subsequent generation.
With the subsection 5(2) applicants, there was an exemption. They said, if you had a child born in a second or subsequent generation, you would not have your citizenship restored retroactively.
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The first thing I'll say is that I learned from the woman behind me, Meili Faille, that Quebeckers, French Canadians, understand the
book de famille more than the English side. They understand what it's like to be stripped of their identities and culture, and that's exactly what we're doing with the lost Canadians.
As far as Nicole Girard's comments saying we're going to create new lost Canadians, no, I don't agree with that. The argument that they're going to.... What the gentleman from the the Canadian Bar Association just referred to was that we're going to give them retroactive citizenship, which takes away their ability or their right to say they were born in Canada—like being in a citizenship ceremony. The government didn't seem to have a problem doing that with Bill , because that's exactly what it did to children of lost Canadians who were naturalized. They were deemed to be born in Canada, and then the government retroactively took that right away.
He also made reference to the Supreme Court decision in Benner v. Canada, which was about women's rights and criminality, both of them. What the government did was freeze into law that gender discrimination, so that today women have fewer rights than men to confer citizenship.
This is devastating, and to be really honest with you, I want all of this done. I wanted it done 10 years ago, 20 years ago. I lost my citizenship in 1961, and I've been fighting ever since. I was an airline pilot. I would not leave people behind, and I won't do it now, because we're going to keep fighting. In all honesty, this a choice and the bureaucrats have made the choice to deliberately leave people out. They've been doing this for decades. This is just a matter of sitting down, really checking this out and talking. We can fix this very easily.
There are a lot of people. Pre-1947, the Chinese were considered to be stateless registered aliens. They were not; they were citizens. The government is still, to this day, saying citizenship began on January 1, 1947. Most people do not realize that Mackenzie King stripped the Japanese of their citizenship in 1946 and deported them. , just a year ago, announced that the government is going to give citizenship back to those people who enfranchised before 1946. There are huge ramifications.
It's not a small group of people. It's a million to two million people. When Bill passed, since then, there have been about 20,000 people who have had claims, even though there are a million to two million people. For all these reasons of derivative claims, it's not going to happen.
Thank you for what you're doing. It's very important to fix this bill.