:
I call this meeting to order.
We are meeting in public.
Welcome to meeting number 93 of the House of Commons Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration.
Today, for a briefing on recent changes to international student policy and plans for future measures, we have with us the Minister of Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship, the Honourable Marc Miller, along with the officials.
First I would love to welcome, on behalf of the committee members, Dr. Harpreet S. Kochhar, who is the deputy minister. He's not new to the department. He was the ADM in the department. He moved to other departments and he's come back.
Dr. Kochhar, welcome.
We also have Ms. May with us. She is no stranger to the committee. Welcome to the committee as well.
We also have Aiesha Zafar, who is joining us virtually. Ms. Zafar, welcome to the committee.
We have two honourable members joining us. I would love to acknowledge that they are here with us.
Mike Morrice is here. Welcome to the committee.
Also with us, we have Luc Berthold. Welcome to the meeting.
With this, we will go directly to the minister. You have five minutes for your opening statement. Please go ahead.
I want to take my turn to welcome the team, particularly Dr. Harpreet Kochhar, who is the new deputy minister for this department. It is his first time in committee with me.
I want to begin by acknowledging our presence on the unceded traditional territory of the Algonquin Anishinabe people.
[Translation]
I’m glad to be back at this committee, twice this month, to discuss reforms to the international student program, as well as international student fraud and an update on the task force. Several of you have already asked questions about those issues.
[English]
In recent years, we have seen dramatic increases in the number of international students who are arriving and hopefully studying in Canada.
Some institutions have significantly increased the number of international students they receive to boost revenues without providing students with the resources and support they need.
[Translation]
This has rendered international students vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. We must have safeguards in place to protect newcomers while maintaining system integrity. That’s why we’ve introduced reforms to the program to improve system integrity, support international students in Canada and better protect them from exploitation.
[English]
As of December 2023, we've established a mandatory letter of acceptance verification system for all post-secondary institutions to help protect students and institutions from fraud. We've also launched a task force to identify genuine international students who are victims of schemes around fraudulent letters of admissions, which we have seen as well.
In January, we increased the financial requirements for international students to $20,635. This measure will ensure that students are financially prepared for life in Canada and consequently less vulnerable to exploitation and abuse.
[Translation]
While this was a necessary step to ensure international students can support themselves, we understand that increasing the financial requirements may have a disproportionate effect on students from low-income and francophone countries. We’re working on two pilot projects to mitigate that impact.
[English]
Additionally, international students at private institutions that have curriculum licensing arrangements with public institutions will no longer be eligible for a work permit upon graduation. Public-private partnerships are notorious for lacking oversight, and as such do not provide the quality of academic experience that Canada is and should be renowned for.
[Translation]
Not only do many of these institutions fail international students, they also jeopardize the reputation of Canada and its designated learning institutions as global leaders in education.
These measures will safeguard international students, bolster program integrity and maintain Canada’s competitive edge in recruiting top talent.
[English]
International students make large financial and personal investments to come to Canada—their families do as well—and many intend to stay here as permanent residents on a path to citizenship. That is not always guaranteed, nor is it the point of the program.
[Translation]
This is the crux of the program; we want and need these students to stay in Canada and fill our labour gaps. However, unbridled growth has led to unprecedented numbers of international students in Canada. This jeopardizes the pathway to citizenship they expect.
[English]
That’s why, in addition to these reforms, we’ve introduced a two-year cap on new study permits. Provinces and territories remain responsible for post-secondary education. They allocate and will allocate cap spaces to their designated learning institutions, which they can and should regulate.
[Translation]
Students here for graduate degrees and PhDs, as well as primary and secondary students, are exempt from these measures.
[English]
To keep the intent of these reforms beyond the cap, we’re developing a recognized institutions framework, which we worked on with partners for a long time, thanks to the initiative of my predecessor, , and which we’ll adopt in the coming months.
Many institutions have not only promoted unsustainable growth but also have accepted students without the ability to provide proper supports, including housing, along with, at times, unethical recruiting practices. By penalizing the bad actors and rewarding the good ones, this framework will and should enable a smooth transition towards the abandonment of the cap if we choose to do so.
The cap and other reforms I’ve mentioned today are not an end in themselves for international students; on the contrary, they'll help to maintain pathways to permanent residency and citizenship if they're available, attract and retain top talent, and ensure that students who settle in Canada have access to essential resources and supports.
I should note that the international students are not responsible for the challenges communities currently face in housing, health care and other services. These are vital services that all Canadians must be able to access, including the students that we welcome.
As we welcome bright students from around the world, we’re responsible to ensure they’re prepared to navigate life and thrive here, with support along the way.
Thank you, Chair.
I will now take your questions.
:
That's an excellent question.
Generally, MP Kayabaga, we have had, both privately and publicly, plenty of opportunity to talk to provinces, including the Province of Ontario, which has seen the largest influx of international students in the past years. We've worked with institutions directly on the recognized institution model prior to my arrival in this position.
My colleague has said time and time again, in talking to provinces even before I was in this position, that they needed to get their houses in order or we would act.
There is a lot of speculation about who decided the what, when and how about the cap. Mr. Fraser, the former minister in this position and now the current Minister of Housing, was one of the guys who helped me and convinced me to do it. He felt—and I think legitimately—that it was important to do the federal responsibility at this, which is at intake, by continuing to have a more robust mechanism in and around the control of fraud, having the verification letters so that people aren't brought here under false hope, and increasing the financial solvency requirement. This is key, because it's not cheap to live in Canada, so we brought those numbers from $10,000 to $20,000, up to international standards, numbers that are comparable to those of our competitors. Then there was this cap, which is the result, frankly, of intransigence from Ontario in particular but provinces in general to get their own ships in order.
Auditor General report upon Auditor General report has said clearly that there were some measures that provinces had to take. They haven't taken them, but there was ample time to have discussions.
In looking at the hockey stick curve that we saw in terms of the growth and the potential growth of international students on a three-year visa profile from what is about one million today to 1.4 million next year, and even more, we saw that we were in the midst of creating a homegrown asylum crisis in Canada through the carelessness in designating a lot of learning institutions that had been improperly regulated.
We had a lot of those discussions, and there have been plenty of opportunities for partners to get engaged and object or do anything along the spectrum.
:
The answers need to come from the entity that regulates them, which is the province. That may seem like something that is not nice coming from a federal minister, but I don't regulate Fanshawe College.
I do understand and appreciate that colleges, universities and post-secondary institutions generally have been underfunded throughout the years by provinces. Ontario is one that stands out. They have been smart and have adapted and have gone to lucrative ways of increasing their balance sheets and increasing their coffers, but it should not be in an unbridled way. It can't be the case that the post-secondary education system in Canada is bolstered almost entirely by international students, sometimes in higher proportions than by the provinces themselves. That is not a sign of health.
We talk about asylum seekers; over 10,000 asylum seekers came out of the Ontario education system in the last three years. That is a huge warning signal that is important for those colleges. As they do their recruitments, they have to refine their way of welcoming the students when they get here. They also have to make sure that those students have the ability to live and thrive in Canada if they choose to stay here.
We're willing to work with Fanshawe College if it is willing to work with us in terms of falling into the recognized institution model, which will reward institutions that have good practices and good student experiences so that we are not doing what has been done up to now, which is exploiting international students.
Good morning, Mr. Minister. Thank you for being here.
When you announced the cap on the number of international students, one measure slipped under the radar. I think it needs to be looked at with keen interest.
At that press conference, you announced that only the spouses of international students enrolled in graduate, master's or PhD programs will be entitled to an open work permit. Spouses of medical and law students will also have the right to work in Canada.
You went on to say, “We want to retain the bright individuals.”
Mr. Minister, are you saying that a U.S. citizen studying law at McGill is smarter than a Cameroonian studying at the Cégep de Saint-Félicien to become a nurse in Quebec?
Is that what you're saying in that quote?
:
You said “brighter”. We'll watch the video together; that will be interesting.
I'm asking you to delay the implementation of this measure, because people in our CEGEPs are worried.
You have to understand that Quebec has a different education system than the other systems across Canada.
I understand that this measure was meant to address what's happening in Ontario. It's very understandable and I'm fine with that. However, the education system in Quebec, which includes vocational training and CEGEPs, is completely different from the systems in the rest of Canada.
Quebec is a distinct society, as you know. We're a nation. You probably voted for that as well.
I'd like you to commit today to delaying the implementation of this measure, at least for Quebec, so that we can look at the specific impact it will have.
In my opinion, this means that there will be 11 fewer nurses in the health care system in my region, Lac-Saint-Jean.
Can you imagine the impact that will have?
Francophone nurses are leaving Cameroon to come here and you're pulling the rug out from under them.
I'd like you to tell me today that you're going to review this measure.
:
Okay. Since we're talking about good relationships, let's talk about taking in asylum seekers.
In 2017-18, Quebec spent $294 million, and the federal government reimbursed it $250 million. In 2019, Quebec spent $120 million, and the federal government reimbursed it $94 million. In 2020, Quebec spent $38 million—there were fewer people because of the pandemic—and the federal government reimbursed it $30 million. In 2021, after the election, Quebec spent $135 million, and the Government of Canada reimbursed only $17 million. In 2022, Quebec spent $334 million, and only $49 million was reimbursed by the federal government. In 2023, $576 million was spent by Quebec, and the federal government only reimbursed it $150 million.
Why did you reimburse more expenses in Quebec in 2017 than you do now? How can you say that you have a good relationship, given those numbers?
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair. Thank you to the minister and the officials for coming back to the committee again.
I must first begin by saying that while I appreciate the minister coming—I really do, since this is a motion I moved—I am disappointed. I need to put this on the record: The motion calling for the minister to come and speak about Gaza and Sudan is, in my mind, perhaps the most urgent situation. I had hoped the minister would come and speak to the committee on that issue first. That is not the case. I understand the minister will be returning in March to deal with this issue. Today we're dealing with international students. However, because of the urgency of the situation in Gaza, I had hoped to get some questions to the minister and officials with respect to that situation.
That said, regarding international students, I also have to put this on the record: Minister, when you made the announcement on the cap—this is in the backdrop of the media and others saying newcomers are to blame for the housing crisis—I think it did a disservice to international students in the way this announcement was cast in that context. I don't think that is the right message. I hope that is not your intention, but that is how it is perceived: that somehow newcomers—in this instance, international students—are to blame for the housing crisis.
I can talk all day long about where the housing crisis came from, which is, of course, 30 years of successive Liberal and Conservative governments relying on the private sector to deliver the housing Canadians need and can afford. That's a conversation for another day.
I want to touch on international students, in particular unintended consequences.
In the announcement that came about with the cap—which I do not agree with—was the notion that applicants need to demonstrate financial resources of $20,000 per year. That's a shift. There are unintended consequences, because there are students who come in on a scholarship, for example. The way this is calculated or dealt with means they may not be able to meet this new requirement now. Many of those who come on a scholarship obviously may well have some financial constraints. Those scholarships enable them to come and enhance their education and have those opportunities.
In fact, my colleague , wrote to the minister about Pearson College with respect to scholarships for students. He has not received a response yet from the minister on this letter. That was dated January 17, 2024. It asked whether or not IRCC officials would consider the total value of the scholarship, room and board provided by Pearson College to the students as a consideration towards that $25,000 requirement.
:
I can answer this specific question and speak a little more generally, MP Kwan.
We're willing to look at it. I have not personally seen that letter. Perhaps send it to my P9 afterward and I can talk to officials about it.
The increase in the number was, in the grand scheme of things, rather modest. We were at half of what our competitors are requesting students provide as part of their solvency. We have clearly seen students who do not have the means to support themselves. This is a choice. I think it's a very important choice, but it leaves students less exploited, given that they perhaps have more financial capacity to live and hopefully thrive in Canada.
I acknowledge your point on Sudan and Gaza. I think that if I were appearing today on Gaza, I would have no good news for you. I don't. I hope to have better news when we appear in three weeks, but there are no guarantees on that. I guess that's an aside, because we're not dealing with that today, but it's not an attempt to dodge anything. I think these are very important issues generally, and we should have the opportunity to deal with them. My presence, obviously, is required at times.
I do not mean to stigmatize international students. In fact, if you look at it in economic terms, a large cohort of bright, young and motivated people with financial capacity are in Canada, where our demographic curve was trending in the wrong direction. The Bank of Canada has highlighted our singular ability to make that curve a little younger in the workforce, and this is notionally a cohort of trained and potentially integrated people whom we could leverage because of their talent and work ethic.
It's notionally a good idea, but because of real challenges in the volumes that have been spiking, it was very important for Canada to pump the brakes.
:
I don't want to dwell on the past. This is clearly a program and Quebec was responsible for it. Quebec was responsible for international students.
That doesn't mean there aren't problems in Quebec. There are a lot of them. Look at the acceptance rate, look at the number of asylum seekers coming out of the university system in Quebec. That's quite significant, thank you.
Quebec was certainly responsible. The fact remains that, in many respects, students face difficulties when renewing their visas. We're trying to address these challenges. All in all, if we take a step back, we see that the student visa program is managing delays well.
Many exceptions can largely be attributed to traffic, but if you were looking to find the Canadian program where immigration is facing delays and wait time issues, it wouldn't be this program.
:
It's important to take a step back in looking at this cap to look at what my statutory authorities are. I can only cap the applications and not the actual issuance of visas. The way it works through the math is that we assume a level of acceptance and rejection at our level, and it churns out a bunch of visas.
The first measure was that we capped the intake at a certain level, and then we distributed it generally by population across Canada. That has resulted in some provinces—Alberta, Quebec, and others—being able to potentially go up by 10%. We don't want unbridled growth, so we've put some limits there. It will result in some provinces having to reduce in certain categories, particularly with these business degrees that have varying levels of legitimacy, and at the undergraduate level by 10%, 20%, 30%, and even 35% to 40% at times. It depends. We are still in discussion with the provinces, but the access is done in a spirit of equity and is spread out by province. That is very important, because there were some provinces that were doing better than others, and some provinces just needed to get their ships in order.
The second measure was to eliminate the ability for private and public institutions to get post-graduate permits. Those are some of the ones that are least regulated and subject to some of the most abuse. Hopefully, that signs a bit of a death knell for those institutions.
The third measure was to limit the availability of spousal permits to those people doing master's and Ph.Ds to attack a volume challenge as well as integrity challenges in an area that we believe was being exploited and was not necessarily legitimate.
That was the spirit in which we did it, and it was coupled with the measures that I took in the fall to increase the solvency requirements for people wanting to come to Canada.
This is not the be-all and the end-all; there is a lot of work to be done. These are mostly quantitative steps, and there are some qualitative steps that need to be taken by provinces in their own jurisdictions to make sure that the program can live up to what it was intended to be in the first place—to attract excellence and not volume. It's not an attempt to get more entries into Canada or for certain institutions to triple or quadruple their fees simply because they are underfunded by their provinces.
:
It's an exceedingly good question. It's hard to answer it in 15 seconds, Shafqat.
We need to work with provinces to make sure they are not chasing bad money for short-term gain and creating the long-term pain impact that we've seen on our asylum system, or creating a situation in which people are undocumented here simply because we don't have a permanent resident space to accommodate them. The economic impact is significant.
In broad terms, international students are a huge contribution to the economy, but there are some actors sitting on $100 million on their balance sheets in some colleges, and that doesn't make sense in a system where, largely, domestic tuition is capped. There is something wrong with that, and I think we need to fix that, at the risk of leaving money on the table. We'll have to work with provinces to make sure that the unintended consequences can be mitigated, but we need them to work with us.
Minister, in 2022, following a request from the Bloc Québécois, this committee conducted a study on the unfairness of the approval rate for applications for study permits from francophone African students compared to that of foreign students from elsewhere in the world. There were record refusal rates of up to 90%.
Recommendations have been made, and in my opinion, the most important one is recommendation 15. I'm going to remind you of it, since it's normal for you not to know it by heart. According to this recommendation, the intent to settle in Canada should not impede the obtaining of a study permit.
Have you implemented that recommendation?
:
It's an excellent question. It was one of my largest preoccupations.
First of all, doubling it was a no-brainer. We were just wildly under what internationally comparable countries had in place.
At the same time, when the recommendation came to me, I asked the department what we were going to do to make sure people from west Africa, for example, would not be unduly prejudiced by this type of decision. We are looking at a number of solutions to make sure people like these were not impacted by that decision.
It is no surprise that the diversity of the countries in question is rather limited. The main source country is one that, when you compare it to other countries in terms of the global middle class, does have an availability to mobilize money more easily than do other countries in which there are equally excellent students.
:
It's a very good point, MP Zahid. There's no denying that the increased volume of students has had an impact in an aggregate measure—in certain areas, in particular—on the cost of shelter.
When we look at occupation rates in my home city, we see that they have remained relatively stable. The challenge we have faced is in taking these correlative factors, like the number of students, the volume of students and others, and looking at the causation. I think that is an important, practical, economic and intellectual activity.
Trying to blame immigrants for housing is not only dangerous but false. You only have to look at areas with very low levels of immigration to see the cost of housing soaring, so you can't pin that on the backs of students.
Students are not responsible for the increase in interest rates in the past years. To a large extent—I'm included in this—we have been able to secure relatively free interest on the debt over the last decade or so on the houses we have mortgages on.
There are various factors that contribute to that situation. What we have seen, for example, is that actors like Airbnb should be held to account, because they drive up the cost. That is something we could also analyze when we look at the affordability challenges in this country.
Now, institutions that have been making a lot of money off these students owe it to themselves, to their institutions, to their alumni and to whatever they represent to society to make sure that when they attract people who are paying four or five times the rate that my own children are paying at university, they provide the proper living experience and student experience. That comes with a lot of obligations. It can't just be cashing the cheque and walking away.
I think that is the important lesson to learn from this. The federal government, indeed, has a responsibility to institute some very rough measures to control the intake, but the qualitative responsibility lies largely on the shoulders of the provinces.
:
First, I want to thank my friend Mr. Brunelle-Duceppe.
[English]
Thank you, Chair.
Minister, as you know, I really appreciated working with your office in light of the fact that of the three post-secondary institutions in my community, one of them approved over 30,000 study permit applications in 2023, which was more than a 1600% jump since 2014, and our community doesn't have the necessary infrastructure to receive that exponential jump.
I feel like you've really heard some of the measures I've brought forward in a motion back in the fall to address this situation, including doubling the minimum financial requirement for students who arrive.
My question is with respect to one of the measures that has not been taken up yet, and that's to have IRCC consider limiting visas and permits to an institution if more than 15% of the international students they accept never enrol in a course or withdraw from their studies or transfer out. This is something that has already been put in place by other signatories of a global agreement on ethical practices of recruiting international students. It's called the London statement.
Can you comment on your openness to continue to pursue this measure as part of the plan to do more with respect to the recognized institutions framework?
:
It's a really good question.
Thank you for working with my office on these measures. They are largely measures that are extremely important, as I mentioned to your colleagues. Some of them more important, such as the affordability actions we've taken as a government, but they are not the end of the story.
I have to continue to remind myself that my role as Minister of Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship is partly to make sure that I am ensuring that provinces and institutions are exercising their responsibility. There is a large field to occupy there, but if it's not occupied, we are prepared to take additional measures, including looking at factors and equations. We've seen all sorts of different metrics that would inform whether an institution is a recognized institution going forward and to then give them preferential treatment for visas if they can show that the students have the proper experience.
We're willing to entertain further actions, and if you have further suggestions, please work with my team on that.
:
On the question around student housing, I absolutely think that it is essential for institutions and provinces do their part and I think that the federal government should show leadership and perhaps initiate a program wherein the federal government contributes a third of the funding, institutions provide a third of the funding, and the provinces and territories provide a third of the funding towards the creation of student housing, both for international students and domestic students. That way you can have a robust plan to address the housing needs of the students.
I'm going to park that for a minute and quickly get into the students who were subject to fraud. We have a situation in which students have now been cleared and found to be genuine by the task force, but they have not gotten their passports back yet. I don't know what the holdup is, and I wonder if the minister can comment on that.
Second, there are students who are still waiting to be evaluated by the task force, and the task force work can't proceed because they might be waiting for a date for the IRB to assess the question on their permit on whether or not it was genuine or whether or not there was misrepresentation. They are consequently in a situation in which people are just chasing their tails and they can't get to the task force.
On that question, will the minister agree that instead of making people go through that process with the IRB, the task force evaluation can move forward first so that they can be found to be either a genuine student or not a genuine student?