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I'd like to call this meeting to order.
Welcome to meeting number 115 of the House of Commons Standing Committee on Indigenous and Northern Affairs. I want to start by recognizing that we meet on the ancestral and unceded territories of the Algonquin Anishinabe peoples and, as always, express gratitude that we're able to do the important work of this committee on lands they've stewarded since time immemorial.
Pursuant to the order of reference of Wednesday, June 5, 2024, the committee is resuming consideration of Bill , an act respecting water, source water, drinking water, waste water and related infrastructure on first nation lands.
Before we begin, I would like to ask all members and other in-person participants to consult the cards on the table for guidelines to prevent audio feedback incidents. Please take note of the following preventative measures in place to protect the health and safety of all participants, including the interpreters. Only use a black, approved earpiece. The former, grey earpieces must no longer be used. Keep your earpiece away from all microphones at all times, and when you're not using your earpiece, please place it face down on the sticker placed on the table for this purpose. I want to thank you all for your co-operation.
Today's meeting is taking place in a hybrid format. In accordance with the committee's routine motion concerning connection tests for witnesses, I'm informing the committee that all witnesses have completed the required connection tests in advance of this meeting.
With that, I would like to welcome our witnesses. We have, joining us by video conference, Ms. Merrell-Ann Phare. In person, we have Chief Lance Haymond from the Assembly of First Nations Quebec-Labrador, and Chief Sheldon Sunshine from the Sturgeon Lake Cree Nation.
Thank you, all, for being here today. There will be up to five minutes given to you for opening remarks, after which we will proceed with rounds of questioning. It might be that there is a bit of Euro Cup fever happening, but I'm going to be using this yellow card once we have 30 seconds left. Then I'll use a red card when the time has elapsed.
With that, I want to welcome you. We'll start with Ms. Merrell-Ann Phare.
I invite you to give an opening statement of up to five minutes.
My name is Merrell-Ann Phare, and I'm legal adviser to the Assembly of First Nations on drinking water. I've been working on these issues since the expert panel on safe drinking water in 2006, and I am currently a member of their co-development team. They are presenting separately, so I'm here in my personal capacity.
I want you to know that, in my view, the bill is a vast improvement over the previous legislation that was repealed and, of course, over the situation that existed before that, which was a regulatory gap with no legislation whatsoever.
You've heard other witnesses talk to you about some of its key positive areas, such as affirming the inherent right to self-government over water and source water. There's a potential big game-changer in terms of how decisions are made about funding through a funding framework. There are improvements on standards for drinking water quality and quantity and waste water. There's a beginning of the process of supporting the creation of first nation water institutions, and, just generally throughout the legislation, you can see quite a bit on collaboration—the phrase is “consultation and collaboration”—and that is a positive relationship-building aspect.
Now, all of these changes—and there are many more in the bill that you're familiar with—are absolutely necessary, and they were negotiated by AFN and others. There was much input, as you've heard, through a co-development process. It wasn't perfect, and there are many ways it could be improved. I hope it gets improved over time, but that's how it has been developed so far, so I strongly support that the bill not be decreased in terms of the current clauses in there.
I wanted to point out one thing, though. Near the end of the co-development process, as the bill was near going into the House, there were some clauses that were added that AFN did not have a role in, so I wanted to speak to those ones, because there are some areas where they could be improved, and they're significant. Again, I don't think there's any circumstance in which this bill should be diminished or any of the clauses deleted or weakened, but there are definitely ways to improve it.
Here are three of them.
First, on inherent right, it's absolutely amazing, and long overdue, that the inherent right to self-government over water and source water is recognized. However, it's currently recognized off reserve only in a protection zone attached to the reserve or adjacent to the reserve. There's no legal reason for that. Source water is source water; water is water. If it's water, there are indigenous rights to water. They've clearly recognized them, and there's no need for the water to be adjacent. Legally, there's no reason for that.
The idea is that a federal-provincial-territorial agreement is required for first nations to implement their right off reserve, and again, that's in line with the federal inherent rights policy. I understand that, but it doesn't really make sense when it comes to water. Water requires all governments to be at the table and to negotiate the way their jurisdictions are going to work together. It shouldn't be that any other government is required for first nations to be able to do that. It should be up to first nations to decide when they feel that they need to work with other governments, just like the federal, provincial and territorial governments do. That's exactly the way the relationship works now, and first nations shouldn't be treated any differently from them.
The second idea is about the minister's obligation. The act currently does not make it absolutely clear that the minister must provide water that meets water quality, quantity and waste-water effluent standards. The current standard is a best-efforts clause, and it's only focused on water quality. That was added after, and I think you can see the problem with that. We've long since passed the time when this should be optional, or even best efforts. The only reason a minister shouldn't have to provide those three things is if the first nation has opted to exercise its jurisdiction on that matter, in which case it's fine, but in the absence of that, we have been, since colonization, long past the time when the minister should be required to provide safe drinking water, water quantity and waste-water effluent treatment.
The final one is the funding framework. You'll see that there's a section in there where first nations will work with the Government of Canada to develop a funding framework. That will assess needs, but what it also will do is set out how decisions are made and implemented, and that's the game-changer. First nations get to work with Canada to scope the needs and how the decisions will be made. Remember, Canada is in that conversation—
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Good morning.
Kwe. Hello.
Bonjour.
My name is Lance Haymond. I'm currently the chief of the Algonquin community of Kebaowek, but I'm here today representing the Assembly of First Nations Quebec-Labrador, where I am the portfolio holder for housing, infrastructure and water.
As it's been mentioned, I'd like to acknowledge and welcome everybody to our ancestral territory. As I've mentioned on several occasions, it's always good to see you conducting your business, and we're grateful to have you here so that we can have this opportunity.
Thank you for giving me the opportunity to share the AFNQL's point of view on Bill .
I've been involved in this process since 2009, when the Quebec region had its first engagement session on water on Bill , before it was introduced and eventually died on the Order Paper with the calling of the election. I was also around when Bill received royal assent in 2013 and was repealed in 2022. Canada then committed to the co-development of new legislation, and we're currently discussing Bill .
I've heard much criticism about this bill, about what's not in it and what's missing, but in criticizing it, we overshadow the important and significant progress we have made since seeing the first draft of this legislation, and it further diminishes the hard work, sacrifices and important contributions made by the team from the water secretariat at the Assembly of First Nations on this legislation. I think about former director Irving Leblanc, Kerry Black, Madame Phare, who just presented, legal counsel Stuart Wuttke, Ogimaa Kwe Linda Debassige, former chief Phil Fontaine, and our regional technicians and water coordinators, who were instrumental in getting important changes and additions to the legislation before it was tabled.
We are quick to criticize, because it's easy, but I believe in giving credit where credit is due. I want to acknowledge and thank for tabling this important legislation, and thank her team for working with the Assembly of First Nations and all stakeholders to get this far.
There will never be a perfect piece of legislation, but this is a far cry from where we started. I now believe that we have a chance to address the gaps, some of which were identified by Madame Phare. Our chiefs in Quebec are not opposed to the adoption of Bill and the eventual regulatory framework.
We did and continue to have concerns about the process. I've been around for a long time and can therefore say that a lack of consultation with first nations has often characterized previous attempts, whether it was Bill or Bill . That lack of real co-development was undoubtedly a major concern for chiefs across this country regarding the development of Bill .
Furthermore, in Quebec, we were put at a disadvantage a year ago, in February 2023, when we had organized and booked our engagement session for February 15 but weren't able to speak to the legislation because it wasn't officially tabled until the 17th. You can imagine it. We had signed an NDA—me, the water technician and the coordinator. We had a session with over 100 participants, but we couldn't actually talk about the contents of the legislation because it had not yet been officially tabled.
We've come a long way from those early disadvantages. We are now in a situation where, as I mentioned, we are agreeable to Bill .
As for the bill itself, although it was not co-developed as planned, the text still evolved compared to previous versions. This is the first time I've seen our input included in its entirety in some areas, and the government going farther than expected in other areas. Despite an inadequate process, we have still made progress on the main gaps, which are inherent rights, funding, governance, standards, transboundary water sources and immunity.
For example, there is now a reference to the existence of the inherent right of first nations to self-government. The concept of free, prior and informed consent has been added to the principles section. There are some substantial additions to the government's obligations, such as doing its best to provide funding that is “adequate, predictable, stable, sustainable” and “needs-based”.
On the issue of transboundary waters, there is a mechanism for off-reserve collaboration regarding provincial, federal and first nations territorial jurisdiction. There are also added provisions related to the immunity of first nations employees.
These are a few examples of the progress made, but important issues remain. Important steps are ahead, and past mistakes have us very concerned. The issue of real co-development remains a great preoccupation as we take major steps in the implementation of Bill —
:
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Tansi. Honourable members of Parliament, I'm Sheldon Sunshine. I'm the chief of the Sturgeon Lake Cree Nation in Treaty 8 territory.
Thank you for this invitation to speak about Bill .
Before I begin, I'd like to acknowledge that I'm speaking on the unceded lands of the Algonquin people.
Sturgeon Lake Cree Nation has over 3,800 members. We are one of the largest first nations in Treaty 8 territory. Our ancestors entered into Treaty 8 in 1899 with the imperial Crown. At that time, and until 1905, Alberta was not a province, and our people did not conceive that we would ever have dealings with a province. Our treaty is a nation-to-nation, international, sacred covenant that provides the legal foundations of this country.
Since time immemorial, our territory has been surrounded by water. We rely on Smoky River, Iosegun River, Goose Lake and Sturgeon Lake. The Smoky originates in the Rocky Mountains near Jasper and then feeds the Peace River, a navigable river under federal legislation. We depend on these waters to harvest fish and large game, which sustain our people. Our lands are home to endangered species such as bull trout and woodland caribou.
Our territory is located in the northwestern part of what is now known as Alberta. Many parts of our territory are now industrialized and surrounded by mining in Grande Cache, forestry near Fox Creek, and conventional oil and gas projects, including abandoned, orphan wells. All of this development is near, on or in the water we rely on to continue our way of life and our livelihood and to exercise our treaty and inherent rights. We are experiencing unmitigated cumulative effects in our territory and in our waters, which is a breach of Treaty 8.
Before getting into Bill , I'd like to tell you about the water in our treaty. At the time of the treaty, we were a matriarchal society, and our women were the water keepers. They were not included in treaty negotiations, so water was not discussed. We did not treaty our water. Water was non-negotiable for our ancestors, as it is for us today.
Since 1899, the time of the treaty, the government has encroached on our treaty jurisdiction over water. For example, through their interpretation of the Constitution of 1867, the Crown has said that the province has jurisdiction over water, based on words like “local works” and “property”, for example. Like our treaty, this is not explicit. Unlike our treaty, it makes no sense. For example, there is no property in water under any law.
Bill is the latest attempt to encroach on our inherent authority over water. The government is using legislation to override our treaty promises—their treaty promises. This is the fundamental problem with Bill and why we will not accept it, even with amendments.
I want to be crystal clear today that we do not need legislation to recognize and affirm our treaty. We need the space and the capacity to develop our own laws. This requires positive action by the federal government, given the effects of decades of neglect.
However, Bill does not just infringe on our jurisdiction. It also creates a two-tier water system where the first nations will continue to be denied the human right to water, and it downloads federal liability to the nations.
Some of the most serious issues we have identified in Bill are the following.
First, the legislation does not recognize the human right to water recognized in the legislation. There is no guarantee for safe drinking water. Instead, it creates a different set of rules for first nation lands. Calgary, through the water main break, recently learned what we go through on a daily basis. We still have boil water advisories, and we need a new water treatment plant, but the cost is estimated at around $50 million.
Second, this legislation will do nothing to affect the billions of litres that are removed from our waters through provincial water allocation licences by the province in violation of Treaty 8.
Third, this legislation will do nothing to protect our water and our treaty rights from the ongoing threats of contamination. For example, last year, the CST coal mine near Grand Cache released more than one million litres of toxic water directly into Smoky River. We were never notified. This is 200 kilometres upstream from us, much like what is being faced by those communities downstream from the Imperial Oil Kearl spill and seepage. This is one example. Bill will do nothing to stop this poisoning of our water and the fish we depend on to exercise our treaty and inherent rights.
Fourth, the legislation imposes a federal framework by which we can create our own laws, but we don't need legislation to do so. And if we don't pass our own laws, the legislation says that we will default to the federal regulations. The federal regulations are at the whim of the minister in place. This is not an opt-in. It is not self-government.
Fifth, the legislation will download federal responsibility onto us, with no guarantee of funding backstop. The federal government has fiduciary responsibilities to us. We will need them to live up to these duties. We don't need their attempts to give us self-government without any guaranteed capacity funding. We will be held liable for the issues that are within the federal government's fiduciary responsibility to us right now.
In conclusion, Mr. Chair, the Sturgeon Lake Cree Nation and Treaty 8 territory are firmly against this legislation, as we see a grave infringement on our jurisdiction and rights. We ask that you reject Bill in its entirety.
I thank you for your time.
You mentioned in your opening comments that there are a number of future regulations to be made at the whim of the minister. You identified that as a concern, and I share that concern as well.
In one instance, this is the case when it comes to defining protection zones set out in this legislation. A representative from the Department of Justice was here not long ago. It took him a few minutes, but I was able to get him to admit that this is the case. Although the legislation says that the minister will co-operate, there is no defining characteristic that says the minister has to have the consent of the first nation—or of the province or territory of jurisdiction, for that matter—to define a protection zone. It's just up to future regulation.
Do you think, based on what you said, that the minister should have that power, or do you believe that the minister should have to have the consent of the first nation before defining the protection zone?
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As I mentioned, some of the initial challenges we had were around the timing of the dropping of the first drafts of the legislation. It created a little bit of a disadvantage for us. However, given that we have a well-structured situation in Quebec where we have strong tribal councils, along with other resources that are available in our region, the hiring and the funding that was provided to engage regional water coordinators was instrumental in the consultation process. It allowed the young lady who was hired to do the work to do outreach beyond the initial regional engagement session that we had, and to go to first nations that wanted additional information or had questions around the legislation.
As I mentioned, although the process started off quite poorly and we were very disappointed with the initial draft of the legislation that we saw, we also note that the government took the time to go back, get an expanded mandate and work diligently with the water committee at the Assembly of First Nations to get to a point where we were comfortable when the minister tabled the legislation in December.
I think part of the challenge is that AFN was primarily responsible for the consultation process, and I know that regions like Treaty 8 in Alberta are not full participatory partners in the Assembly of First Nations. Thus, making sure that every region across the country is involved at the same level is a challenge for the assembly, to make sure regions like Alberta have an opportunity to be consulted.
That being said, I think Madame Phare and others who've actually done the work on the ground will tell you that a considerable amount of time, energy and effort went into the draft that was tabled in December.
I'll stop there.
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There are a number of key provisions that were added. Again, I would have preferred that those comments and those elements of improvement had come from the Assembly of First Nations. They've done the work to get those improvements. There were definitely some improvements in terms of the definition.
Going forward, we know the implications and the application of UNDRIP have to be a part of this process, so, again, that is free, prior and informed consent. Some good consultation has to occur, but there were improvements in ensuring the funding is adequate, predictable and stable, along with improvements on transboundary water. Again, there's some work that needs to go forward with the whole issue around jurisdiction, as indicated by the chief beside me.
One of the more important improvements, particularly from a first nation perspective, was this. The initial draft of the legislation most certainly protected the Government of Canada from any legal responsibilities, so there was an important improvement in the next phase, which we fought hard for, to have that same protection for our employees who will be working in water and waste water, to ensure that, in the event of any issues, they will not be held liable. If there are issues with our water treatment facilities, of course it will probably be due to inadequate funding and facilities that need to be brought up to code.
I think fundamentally the main piece that still has to be worked out is the funding framework. While a good piece of legislation is important, if we don't have the financial resources to bring our systems up to par and keep them there, as well as train and provide good salaries to our operators, we're going to continue to have the same kind of challenges we have today.
Chief Haymond, I'm speaking to you as the chief of the Kebaowek First Nation, not as the representative of the Assembly of First Nations Quebec-Labrador. I have a question for you about your extensive experience dealing with the issue of the near-surface nuclear waste disposal site at Chalk River.
What specific concerns do you have about the Canadian Nuclear Safety Commission's decision on the location of the site, keeping in mind the trend among ministers to off-load their responsibilities onto independent commissions?
Since the Canadian Nuclear Safety Commission doesn't have the ability to propose another site, should we include that power in the water bill when source water is at risk?
In this case, an important water source for more than 144 communities is being exposed to elevated risk levels. Do you think the bill will give you more power to protect this source water?
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That's a multitude of questions in one question.
Starting off, I think that the whole issue of nuclear waste and Chalk River is an important element to discuss, primarily because developing laws in our interest is really about protecting the water in the long term. The current project that's been approved by CNSC causes us great concern and heartburn in the fact that down the road, in a couple of hundred years, the mound will degenerate and in all likelihood, from everything we've seen, poison the water.
We're not clear whether or not Bill will have any major implications as, of course, there are other ministries involved. It could help, but it will also require the ministry of natural resources and the ministry of the environment to take into consideration our concerns around what's happening at Chalk River.
I'm sorry, but it's common sense. I don't think you need to be a nuclear scientist to recognize that building a nuclear waste dump at the edge of an important water source like the Ottawa River is probably not a very good idea, for the very fact that potential leaching could impact the drinking water supply for millions of people in the future.
Again, I'm not sure Bill will have major implications in terms of what's happening at Chalk River, but it will most certainly help communities like mine potentially use and argue that some elements of UNDRIP need to be taken into consideration prior to the government making decisions.
Again, when projects like the nuclear NSDF—the nuclear dump at Chalk River—come to bear, I think we should always opt for erring on the side of caution rather than simply moving ahead with projects that have the potential to impact our water supply.
:
Thank you very much for the welcome, Mr. Chair. It's good to see you here.
Witnesses, thank you for being present here, in particular Okimaw Sunshine, from my neck of the woods. It's good to have you here. You spoke to me earlier, before we started today. You said that you weren't certain how good of a politician you are, but you did a pretty good job today, I'd say, in outlining the concerns of Treaty 8, particularly those of Sturgeon Lake Cree Nation.
We heard a lot, particularly in Alberta from Treaty 6, Treaty 7 and Treaty 8, that there hasn't been enough consultation. However, in your remarks, I think you elevated the discussion to a place where Canada has never really wanted to go, the place where they have to actually address the fact that they had a treaty with many people on the prairies—mine, yours, just the whole province of people—and had these commitments that were laid out in the treaty-committed partnership. They committed to a nation-to-nation relationship, committed to dual sovereignty, this idea that we could exist separately but together.
I think the principle you're speaking about today, and one that I really implore my colleagues to listen to deeply, is that this is the most critical kind of legislation, in the sense that it deals with water, life, our women and our future. If I've heard anything that's been clear from chiefs in Alberta, it's that we have to get this right, and if we don't get it right, then we have to go back to the drawing board.
You mentioned in your statement that we have to find a way to return to treating each other more honourably, but most particularly Canada, the Crown, has to see its obligations to its treaty partners first and foremost. You even mentioned the Province of Alberta as an obstacle to what is, really, the full enfranchisement or full recognition of treaty rights, as well as your nation's sovereignty, future and ability to be recognized for its already existing powers: the right to self-government, the right to water, the right to land, the right to simply be who we are. Those are fundamental rights that exist, whether Canada acknowledges them or not. Your statements here today have made even more clear and deeply founded in my heart the great reminder that this place has a lot longer to go in finally trying to recognize its jurisdiction, which isn't complete jurisdiction but a shared one—one that it hasn't yet fully recognized with indigenous people.
I want to ask you this, Chief Sunshine. You made this statement about Canada: “They put us in a box and they forgot about us.” It pains my heart to know that such a proud people, particularly the Cree people on the prairies—my mother, my parents, our relatives—find themselves in this deplorable condition of poverty where water.... This is something that you mentioned in Calgary right now is being met by the people there as something so critical and desperate that now the attention on the importance of it is at the forefront of every newspaper in Alberta. However, this is something you've thought about as chief, something your people have thought about, something that indigenous people across the prairies have thought about for generations. What does our future mean without water? What does our future mean without clean water?
You also spoke about the importance of limiting the damages to existing water. The fish we eat come from the water that's been there, gifted by the Creator, yet toxic pollutants are constantly put into the water without your notification.
Many of these issues stem from a great deal of disrespect when it comes to the signatories who signed those treaties all those years ago, to have all these barriers put in front of them and to force you to come to this table today to say yet again what's been said for over 100 years, which is to simply allow us to be ourselves and to simply allow us to continue to do the work that we've been doing for generations, since time immemorial, to recognize the fundamental jurisdiction that is already present. The jurisdiction doesn't come from the Crown in better ways. It comes from our Creator, and you've made that very clear today.
My question is whether you'd like to elaborate any more on why the things you've said today are so important and why they lead you to oppose this legislation.
I talked about our treaty and our box. I've been in this position for two years, and it's relatively new. When I say that I'm not a politician, I know that one of my elders said, “You are, because you are in your position.” When I learn of the atrocities that our people have faced over 125 years.... This year in Treaty 8 territory, right now, we're having a celebration of the signing of Treaty 8. I'm missing the grand opening. It's a reminder of where we are today and how far we have to go with the Government of Canada, and the Province of Alberta as well.
It's difficult to look back. I walk around this land and see the grandeur of these facilities, and where I come from we deal with poverty every day. When it comes to legislation, we talk about co-development. It's a struggle for me to really put it into words, to express how I feel today. I feel it's a responsibility that I have to my people to really try to come and express what that is. A treaty was an obligation. We agreed to share the land, but we haven't seen it.
Our people have been very good treaty partners, but our partner in the Crown, the Government of Canada, hasn't reciprocated. We've seen it. We see it every day. I'm sure you guys see all the statistics, the opioids epidemic that has faced our people. It's not a quick fix. It's not just one thing. You can't come here and just think you're going to fix the water and the water issues, or you're going to come and fix the drug issues, the opioid problem. In my community, it's a global issue.
:
Thank you very much, Chair.
Thank you to our witnesses for this very important discussion.
Chief Sunshine, just to pick up where you left off, you were talking about the challenges that you're dealing with in your community, most of them, if not all, created by the “Ottawa knows best” approach. Now we've heard, through testimony in this meeting and others before it, about Bill and the challenges it imposes on you, in many cases, as a leader in your nation. Specifically, the consultation piece has been mentioned a few times, but also what can be described by many in this committee, through testimony, as the power that the minister would have under this legislation. Would you like to expand upon that?
I will go to Chief Haymond, if I could.
We uncovered during the testimony, when we were talking about this bill, that we recognize successive governments have made some progress here and there on solving, or trying to solve, at least, the issue of achieving clean drinking water for all. I recognize that it's not going fast enough for the vast majority and there are still massive problems here.
If this bill goes forward, do you see this bill, as it expands to source water and elsewhere...? The fact is that the consultation has been raised by many as an issue. The “Ottawa knows best” approach has been raised by many as a potential issue. Do you feel the voices of those on the ground will be heard if this legislation is given royal assent?
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Again, I'll go back to the fact that we've spent a lot of time, effort and energy in developing our own capacities to address the needs that are being raised in our communities.
As with most first nation communities across this country, we're small, independent communities and we don't have the financial resources to be able to have all of the expertise we need. We don't all have engineers. We don't all have folks who are helping us manage our water systems. We don't have the capacity to do water monitoring and testing on an individual basis.
Over the course of time, we've developed and learned that there's strength in numbers, and buying and building capacity can be done in a number of ways. In Quebec, we've chosen to build capacity by having strong operators and training programs, so that we have qualified people in our communities.
The most important aspect of why we're so successful is that, in spite of our differences, we sit down with our regional colleagues from Indigenous Services, we look at the problems and we look at the potential solutions, including the provision of a budget and what that allocation will look like on an annual basis.
We've built up the capacities we need at the tribal council level, so we have the engineers and the expertise we need to help us build quality plants and infrastructure. Then, more importantly, we have a circuit rider program that travels around all of the communities in Quebec assessing our systems and making suggestions for improvements in terms of training and what improvements need to be done to our systems. Then, we work with our federal partners to find the funding and implement the solutions.
In fact, we have no boil water advisories in Quebec, but we do have some communities that have to have continual drinking water. It's not because of poor facilities, but because their communities are built on uranium deposits, which continue to impact their ability to have quality drinking water. In fact, I referenced my sister community of Kitigan Zibi, which is probably the only community in the province that lives the reality of not having a safe drinking water supply, but it's not because of the facilities.
Ms. Phare, you recommended improvements to Bill in three areas. Since we don't have much time, I think it would be very germane to the study if you could send them to us in writing. That way, we could examine them closely. Thank you.
Mr. Haymond, the justice department officials said that the first nations water commission had limited powers.
How might those limited powers prevent the commission from effectively fulfilling its mandate of providing support and managing water issues affecting first nations?
I asked the question given the limitations on another commission preventing it from properly fulfilling its role of protecting and consulting first nations like yours. I'm talking about the Canadian Nuclear Safety Commission, of course.
Should this be seen as a limitation or a red flag? Thank you.
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
I'm going to try this for our Inuit interpreter. I'm going to ensure that she has a heads-up as I'm going to practice my Inuktitut. I'm going to say qujannamiik to the committee for having me here today. It means a lot to have been a participant in this very important work and to have our wonderful witnesses here, particularly Chief Sunshine from Alberta. I'm usually outnumbered as the only Albertan in the room, but today we did it. We're maybe the majority; I don't know.
I want to continue our discussion and highlight an overview of where first nations have been on the pathway of trying to get clean water for their communities. Stephen Harper promised clean water before in an act in 2013 that passed. It was a huge class action lawsuit. One of the lawyers who is present with us today, one of the witnesses, mentioned that.
I'm stuck with this kind of paradox, this dichotomy, this tough decision that I think first nations are also dealing with, which is the decision of really bad legislation under the Conservatives and bad legislation under the Liberals. The answer is in first nations communities, not really in Ottawa, and I think you've outlined that, Chief Sunshine.
Do you want to speak to that principle about ensuring that this place recognizes first nations' jurisdiction, because so many times they've got it wrong?
Please go ahead.
When I think back about the previous legislation by the Conservatives and it being challenged by first nations, I'm afraid that this is going to be the same type of thing that's going to happen. It's going to roll out, and we're going to have nations such mine that are not happy being put in that little box continually.
I told Minister Hajdu that we really need to sit down with the rights holders and determine the best path forward. I know that Treaty 8 chiefs have always mentioned that we were willing to sit down and have those talks, but, for myself, on behalf of the Sturgeon Lake Cree Nation, I am open. We're progressive people. We have those challenges that we face every day, as I mentioned earlier, and we want to work with the government to create something that's beneficial for all parties.
When we talk about source water, we want to have a say on what comes into our territory and into our homes. When we see the Grande Cache spill, that affects us. It affects the fish, and we have endangered species because of it.
I think it's important that we understand where we're coming from and where you're coming from so we can find a solution to move forward.
Thanks.