I call this meeting to order.
Welcome to meeting No. 48 of the House of Commons Standing Committee on Canadian Heritage.
I would like to acknowledge that this meeting is taking place on the unceded traditional territory of the Algonquin Anishinabe people.
[English]
Pursuant to the order of reference adopted by the House on Tuesday, May 11, 2022, the committee is meeting on the consideration of Bill , an act respecting online communications platforms that make news content available to persons in Canada.
Today's meeting is taking place in a hybrid format pursuant to the House of Commons order of Thursday, June 23, 2022. Some members are attending in person and some are attending virtually.
Here are a few comments I'd like to make. I think you all know this by rote, but this might be for the benefit of the witnesses.
Please wait until I recognize you by name before speaking. For those participating by video conference, click on the microphone icon to activate your microphone, and please mute yourself when you're not speaking.
For interpretation for those on Zoom, you have a choice, and everyone knows in the room what to do. Those attending virtually have a little round globe at the bottom, which is the icon you press if you want to get your messages in English or French. As a reminder, all comments should be made through the chair.
In accordance with our routine motion, I am informing the committee that all witnesses have completed the required connection tests in advance of the meeting.
Before we begin the meeting, there is one small order of business, some housekeeping we need to do. I would like to take a moment and proceed to the election of the new first vice-chair, so I will turn the floor over to the clerk.
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She is very good at helping. Mr. Champoux would attest to that from the last meeting, which I understand he chaired remarkably well.
I would now like to move to the actual order of the day, which is Bill , an act respecting online communications platforms that make news content available to persons in Canada.
For the first hour, we have the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission. We have Ian Scott, chairperson and chief executive officer; Rachelle Frenette, general counsel and deputy executive director; and Adam Balkovec, legal counsel.
I think the CRTC has gone through this before many times, so whoever is going to be the spokesperson—it is my belief it might be Mr. Scott—has five minutes. I will give you a 30-second shout-out when you have 30 seconds left.
Welcome, Mr. Scott, and please begin.
:
Thank you very much, Madam Chair. I delighted in your first mistaken introduction when you referred to new witnesses. It made me feel young. I'm not new but familiar, and happy to be here with the members. I appreciate being invited before the committee once more.
You've already introduced my colleagues, who are here to assist me. As I often say, when I need to call a friend, I have my friends with me.
We're very pleased to appear before you. Hopefully we can contribute to your study of Bill .
The proposed legislation aims to address a market imbalance in Canada's digital news marketplace by creating a new legislative and regulatory framework that would ensure that the major digital platforms fairly compensate news publishers for their content.
[Translation]
If it is adopted by Parliament, the would require the largest digital platforms to negotiate with news businesses and reach fair commercial deals for the news that is shared on their platforms. Those deals would also need to respect journalistic independence and invest in a diversity of Canadian news outlets, including independent local businesses.
Should Parliament wish to assign the responsibility of creating and overseeing the regulatory framework under the Online News Act to the CRTC, we are prepared to take it on.
The legislation proposes to entrust five main functions to the CRTC.
[English]
Specifically, these are, first, to consider requests from news businesses to be eligible for mandatory bargaining and requests from digital platforms to be exempt from mandatory bargaining by applying the act's criteria.
The second is overseeing negotiation and mediation and maintaining a public list of external arbitrators that meet qualifications set by the commission.
The third is that we deal with complaints of undue preference or unjust discrimination filed by eligible news businesses against platforms.
The fourth is to contract an independent auditor to publish an annual report on the total value of commercial agreements and other key information.
Finally, we are to establish regulations, including a code of conduct for good-faith bargaining and regulatory charges that platforms must pay to fund the administration of the act, similar to the fees paid by broadcasters and telecommunications service providers today.
We have, of course, been turning our mind to the implementation of Bill should it receive royal assent.
There are several areas in which the commission must create regulations, which include developing regulatory charges to operate the program, as well as creating a code of conduct to support fairness and transparency in bargaining. As well, the bill will require the CRTC to establish detailed policies to provide news businesses, platforms and the public with clear guidance on how we intend to apply the eligibility criteria as well as the companion exemption criteria. Finally, we will of course have to create efficient procedures to administer the act.
There will no doubt be challenges along the way, as there always are when developing a new framework. I'm confident that with input from the public, news businesses and platforms, we will collectively develop a public record to assist us in implementing the new legislation, again assuming it's the will of Parliament.
[Translation]
The good news is that the CRTC is experienced in dealing with matters similar to those that Bill aims to resolve.
Our mandate is to regulate in the communications sector, and we have extensive experience overseeing mediation and arbitration processes, as well as those relating to undue preference complaints and codes of conduct. We also have experience conducting public proceedings, issuing exemption orders, and maintaining ongoing monitoring systems.
Just as importantly, we recognize the opportunities and challenges created by new players and have a proven track record of implementing policies and adapting approaches over time that enable traditional media, including local broadcast news outlets, to respond to changing market conditions.
Mr. Scott, thank you so much for being with us today and for offering those opening remarks.
Michael Geist has said this with regard to Bill . I'm just going to read his quote into the record. He said:
Bill C-18 doesn't only increase the power of the Internet companies. It also provides exceptional new powers to the CRTC. These include determining which entities qualify as DNIs,
—in other words, digital news intermediaries—
which agreements create an exemption, which Canadian news organizations qualify as eligible news businesses, and whether the arbitration decisions should be approved. On top of that, the CRTC will also create a code of conduct, implement the code, and wield penalty powers for failure to comply. Far from a hands-off approach, the CRTC will instantly become the most powerful market regulator of the news sector in Canada.
Mr. Scott, what's been outlined here is directly in the bill. This is fact.
I'm just wondering if, in your opinion, the CRTC really should be given this amount of control over news in Canada.
We invite guests to this committee to exchange information and to answer questions. I think it would be kind if we extended a courtesy to them to at least let them finish the sentence they are making.
I understand that we as members have the floor, but if we ask someone a question, they have to be able to finish the answer, or at least their sentence in that answer, before they are interrupted several times.
I just wanted to mention that, Chair.
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“Best practices” would be the short answer.
Obviously, the legislation proposed in Canada is modelled predominantly after the Australian model. That is what I've been most focused on. From a very self-interested perspective, many of my discussions with them have been on what the really hard parts are and what work has to be done.
You'll understand that the model assumes that the outcome will be a negotiated commercial outcome and that the regulator will only get involved, if you will, where that fails to happen, but there's a great deal of regulatory work to be done in the event that our engagement is required. That has consumed a lot of resources on the part of the Australian regulator. That's probably my biggest take-away.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
Mr. Scott, I'm going to continue along the same lines as my colleague Mr. Bittle.
We've heard the concerns expressed by Google, which conducted a pseudo-survey last week. We've also frequently heard people say that the CRTC would be given excessive powers under Bill .
Do you think there's any scenario, no matter how twisted, in which the CRTC could become a kind of omniscient dictator? Do you think that could be possible?
:
Thank you very much, Madam Chair.
[English]
Thanks for being here today.
Mr. Scott, I want to come back to the issue of the Community Media Advocacy Centre. You've just testified that $32,147 was given in two payments to the Community Media Advocacy Centre and Mr. Marouf. Can you tell us how much was provided by the broadcast participation fund?
My second question is related to the measures that have been taken. We've seen rising anti-Semitism, rising Islamophobia and rising racism, often violent. We had the convoy and the flying of Nazi flags. We have a threat in terms of racism and hate in our society. What measures has the CRTC taken, both for your own operations and also for any funds that are related to the CRTC, to ensure that those who hate do not receive any more funding?
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Thank you. I'll move to another element.
We have Telus with record profits, $11 billion, in the corporation. They applied to the CRTC in August to start gouging consumers by adding a processing fee to Internet and phone bills paid by credit cards, another 1.5%, when Canadians are already struggling. The CRTC has not approved this, but Telus has gone ahead. They're already gouging consumers.
I have two questions. First off, to what extent can the CRTC rule to ensure that corporations don't gouge when they haven't received approval from the CRTC, and what is it about the complaint process that allows corporations simply to move ahead when they haven't actually received approval from the CRTC?
I was anticipating somebody saying, “What are you doing here? I thought you were done in September”, but I'm back. I'm a little bit like the common cold in the autumn. It's hard to get rid of me.
I am not involved in the process. I'm often invited to sit on the panels that stream candidates for other roles, but the government quite properly didn't see it appropriate for the chair to participate in the selection of his or her successor, so I am not engaged in that process at all. My term has been extended to early January, and I expect it to end at that time.
You know the Australian model made Rupert Murdoch very, very rich. I see here with that very rich will come from Bell Media, from Rogers media.
I want your thoughts. You said you are following the Australian model, or at least was intended to follow the Australian model, but when I look at broadcasters now, I see they've got their hand into the pot of Bill C‑18, and not only their hand; I would say they've got their whole body into this. They are getting most of the money that could be available through Google and Meta.
With the independent local news fund that you cited, $23 million, how much more do Bell, Rogers and other independent media need to survive in this country? I thought Bill was going to be the bill to help local newspapers. It is in fact the exact opposite. We have the multinationals again getting most of the money. They were involved in Bill , Bill and Bill C‑18. I just want your comment on that, because I'm very worried that this bill was designed for newspapers and has turned out to be anything but.
:
Thank you so much, Madam Chair.
I'm going to follow up on my colleagues Ms. Thomas and Mr. Julian and ask you about CMAC.
There were two telecom orders that you issued, 2021-175 and 2021-356, which provided $16,851 and $15,332.48 respectively to CMAC. As well, since 2016, over half a million dollars have been provided under the broadcasting participation fund, which I understand is independent, but it was established by the CRTC and is funded through CRTC orders. I'm going to have questions on the funding in both directions.
I'll start with the orders.
I read your statement, and I think we all share the disgust about the comments by Mr. Marouf and all those associated with what CMAC has done. In your statement last October 13, you said that the applications for costs are then subject to a further public process, following which the CRTC could approve the application in full or in part or deny the application, but you didn't follow this procedure in the case of awarding funds to CMAC.
In the May 2021 decision, telecom order CRTC 2021-175, the commission wrote in paragraph 3 that such responses were unnecessary.
I also want to go on to say that in March of 2021, in reviewing CMAC's cost application, the CRTC had an articling student ask CMAC if the consultants, Laith Marouf and Gretchen King, controlled the day-to-day operations of CMAC and should therefore be paid at an internal rate of $470 per day instead of the external rate of $225 per hour that was claimed, which is four times the internal rate.
Now, based on all that we know, based on the incorporation documents showing CMAC being at the home address of Mr. Marouf and Ms. King, it appears that CMAC and Marouf and King are one and the same. Therefore, my question is this: Will the CRTC use its own powers under section 62 of the Telecommunications Act to review its cost award to CMAC?
:
The information you cited is correct, but I do chafe a little bit at your use of the word “funding”, because we give cost awards.
I want to explain very quickly that you are correct in saying that the process was different, and there was a reason for that. It was not only CMAC. There were nine, I believe, organizations that received support for intervening in that process on accessibility. The hearing was under the accessibility act, and we cannot award costs like broadcasting under the accessibility act. Bell Canada offered. It had excess funds associated with something called the deferral account. I won't go into it. It is, if you will, an outstanding obligation, and they offered us the opportunity to pay costs using it and we took that up.
Normally, those processes determine how to apportion the costs and if there are any objections to the cost awards. Bell had no objections. They were the sole supplier of funding, and so we did forgo any further process for all of those parties.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
I want to say I'm very pleased to see that some of my colleagues have addressed the Community Media Advocacy Centre issue. I fully support the interest of my colleague Mr. Housefather, even though I don't have enough the time for it because I want to focus on Bill .
Ms. Frenette, you started to answer my question and I appreciate that. Now I'm going to give you an opportunity to expand your thoughts on the matter since we ran short of time earlier.
My concern is really the eligibility of news businesses. Allow me to explain. The bill provides that a business may be recognized as a "qualified Canadian journalism organization" as defined in the Income tax Act, which establishes certain criteria in that regard. So I want the bill to include criteria guaranteeing a level of journalism quality and credibility of the work eligible organizations do.
Do you think that it's up to the CRTC to address this journalistic integrity issue or that including these criteria directly in the act would simplify matters for it?
:
Thanks very much, Madam Chair.
I'm going to give you three rapid-fire questions. Then I'll just let you answer.
First off, for Telus, will you be looking at awarding costs if CRTC does not approve the request to gouge consumers as Telus has done by jacking up its rate? Can consumers be compensated for the money they are now paying Telus for a non-approved rate hike?
Second, in terms of the final offer arbitration and settlements, what is the average amount of time that's it's taken CRTC and what are the longest times that have come?
Finally, if you could follow up on Mr. Housefather's question around the BPF, that would be appreciated as well.
:
I'll try to do it in reverse order, if I may.
Quickly, on the first, the question is well placed and heard. I would expect that the BPF is likely to follow whatever practice the commission establishes. That's what they did in generally approaching cost awards after they were set up.
We have the same thing with production funds. We approve funds; we don't manage them. It's important that we separate them and that they be truly independent. A lot of these intervenors are critics of the CRTC, and we don't want to play a role where we could be seen to be suppressing a view. Their independence is important.
Last, I would just say that—and I have to be careful on how to word this—we have ways of influencing. For example, if we're directing funds to BPF in the future, we could put conditions on them. I think there are ways in which that challenge could be addressed.
On the second question, on arbitration, I don't have those numbers at hand. Many of these things can be protracted. We can undertake to give you a bit of an analysis.
:
Thank you, Peter. You have ended this question.
I'm going to ask the committee to give me some instructions here. We have two more questions; one is for the Conservatives and one for the Liberals. They are five minutes each. That's going to be 10 minutes. We are now at two o'clock and we need to move to the minister. We need time to suspend and get the minister to be checked, etc. I would like to end the questions now. I'm sorry. I would like to suspend the meeting so that we can get the minister and his department miked. Thank you.
Thank you very much, Mr. Scott, for coming and getting these rapid-fire questions.
Mr. Ian Scott: Thank you, Chair.
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I would now like to return to the consideration of Bill , an act respecting online communications platforms that make news content available to persons in Canada.
Welcome, Minister Rodriguez, and your department officials who are here to answer questions.
As you all know, you have five minutes. I will give you a 30-second shout-out when you have 30 seconds left.
Begin, Minister Rodriguez, for five minutes, please.
Madam Chair, colleagues and members of the committee, I'm really happy to have the chance to appear today to talk about the .
As I said, I want to start by stating facts: 468. That's the number of media outlets—newspapers, television, radio stations and news websites—that closed between 2008 and last August. Seventy-eight of them have closed since the beginning of the pandemic. This bill is about them. It's also about the future of journalism in our country.
On the surface, the act is about making sure that news outlets in Canada get fair compensation for the important work they do, but at its core, the act is about so much more than that. It's about upholding our democracy, because our democracy, as any democracy, needs a free, independent and thriving press. We all rely on fact-based and timely news to make rational decisions, counter disinformation and participate in our democracy. In these challenging times, this is more important than ever.
[Translation]
The Internet has fundamentally changed the way we create, search and consume content, especially news. Canadians increasingly get their news from digital platforms. According to a very recent report published by the Reuters Institute this year, 77% of Canadians consume news online, 55% of them from social media. Over the period covered, we can see that our news sector has declined. News is largely disseminated by the platforms, but the businesses that create that news aren't profiting from it as they should.
Currently, there's absolutely no incentive for digital platforms to compensate the media fairly for their content. That has a direct impact on our ability as a society to access reliable news. I said it when we introduced Bill , and I'll say it again today: a free and independent press is one of the pillars of our democracy. It is essential to our democracy.
Canadians rely on their local and national media for an understanding of what's going on in their community and around the world. We're talking here about the very existence and survival of independent journalism. Let me be very clear: Canadian news businesses are in crisis.
[English]
Bill proposes decisive action to stop this decline. It presents a practical, market-based approach that lessens power imbalances and encourages good-faith negotiations. It encourages digital platforms to enter into fair agreements with news organizations.
As you know, these agreements must meet specific criteria. This includes everything from supporting local, regional and national news to upholding freedom of expression and promoting inclusion, innovation and diversity. If they don’t, then—and only then—the act will compel mandatory negotiation, and final offer arbitration will come only as a last resort.
[Translation]
As we've often said, Bill is based on the Australian model, under which the news media are able to secure fair compensation. We've adopted elements of a model that's already working, and we've improved it by adding other, typically Canadian elements.
Canada is really leading the way, and we're doing it because Canadians expect us to take action to protect their local journalism in a transparent manner. That's also why we publish a list of digital platforms that meet the criteria, a list of exemptions, the reasons why they have been granted, a list of eligible news businesses and so on.
[English]
The won’t be a silver bullet for all the challenges the sector faces. As Rod Sims, the former chair of the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission, said, “the world is watching” Canada. The world is watching us, and I hope we will rise to the occasion.
The Chair: You have 30 seconds, Minister.
Hon. Pablo Rodriguez: We can give Canadian news media a chance to rebuild and thrive in a more sustainable, fairer news ecosystem, and we’ll do everything we can to give Canadians access to the fair, impartial, fact-based and high-quality news we want and need. Together, we can fight for a vibrant, free and independent press and fight for our democracy.
[Translation]
Thank you for your work, and I am now ready to answer your questions.
Minister, my next question has to do with clause 24 of the bill.
We know that in everyday life we can use links within our sites, whether it's a blog, our Facebook pages or Twitter, etc. We can share these links, and no one is required to pay for doing so.
However, under Bill , all of a sudden DNIs, digital news intermediaries, would be required to pay for news links, but only news links. News links would be the only thing on the Internet that would be ascribed a monetary value, and no other links. All other links can be shared with no problem and no need to pay, but news links somehow have value.
I'm just curious as to why news links are ascribed a value, but other links are not. Why do you feel that this is appropriate?
:
Excuse me. I'm sorry, Minister.
There is, I think, a problem in the room, because people have their mikes turned up very high and they're not muting, so we are getting feedback every time the minister tries to speak.
Can I ask you to mute your mikes in the room and for only Ms. Thomas, who has the floor, to speak, and then the minister to speak so we don't get that feedback?
Thank you.
:
Thank you very much, Madam Chair.
Thank you, Minister, for joining us today. This is a very important file. Given the numbers you gave us at the beginning when talking about the media outlets that have collapsed over the last decade plus in this country, there's no question we need to do something different. I'm very thankful that you have taken a leadership role to bring something forward to better protect a service that many of the witnesses have called a public good. Thank you so much for being here.
There was a recent article in which the Conservative leader was asked his position on Bill . The article states, “[Mr.] Poilievre said he has no problem with a model that allows media to be compensated by these massive companies.”
What is your reaction to that statement, Minister?
:
I'm very happy to know that Mr. Poilievre agrees with this model, which is only normal, because he ran on this in the last election. Mrs. Thomas and all the Conservatives did, because it was in the platform. They said they needed something like this, based on the Australian model.
Now, this is exactly the Australian model. We only added a few elements on transparency, to the point where even the Australians are now looking at us and saying, “Wow, that's good. Let's see if we can do the same thing.”
Things should be clear. There's nothing controversial about the bill. Our friends the Conservatives ran on it. The Bloc Québécois supports it. We support it, of course. I think the NDP supports it too—everyone.
Why is that? We said it, and you said it, Mr. Coteau: because the press is disappearing. Four hundred and sixty-eight media outlets closed their doors. That's huge.
Is our democracy becoming stronger or weaker? I would say weaker. I'm happy the Conservative leaders agree on this and I'm happy the Conservatives have this on page 155 in their platform. Let's do this together.
You brought up the Australian model. I want to talk a bit about that and get some of your feedback on it.
We've heard from many of the deputants that it is a successful model for both big and small media outlets. We know the Australian model was the first model to come into existence, and there's been a revitalization of media in Australia because of it. It has benefited small entities.
However, there have to be differences—things we have learned from the Australian model, stark differences between the two countries.
As the minister, what have you learned from that model? What has your department learned from that model? What will we do a bit differently in our approach to looking for ways to build a model that works for Canadians?
:
Thank you, Mr. Coteau. That's a very important question.
We learned that the model works. That's probably the most important thing. It works, and it benefited the small local media. That's exactly what we want for our bill.
We thought we needed to make a few improvements and make things a bit more transparent. For example, in Australia, the minister can decide which platforms are included. We don't want that. We want to put independent criteria in there. We want to create criteria for the platforms to get exemptions. They are public. We want to make sure people know what these criteria are.
If you don't mind, I will mention these quickly: maintaining the independence of the press; money has to be reinvested to support the production of local news content; fair compensation to the news businesses; local independent news get to have deals, not just the big guys; investing in indigenous, minority languages and a broader diversity of news organizations; and supporting the long-term sustainability of news in Canada.
Those are very precise criteria that have to be respected.
:
Thank you for that answer.
I'm of Caribbean heritage. When you go grocery shopping in the Caribbean stores in Toronto—in Etobicoke, North York and Scarborough—you will see that newspaper stands in all these stores have The Caribbean Camera, Share and Pride magazines. These are great small publications that people in my community and across the GTA and the country look to for their source of news, both international and Canadian.
For me, it's important that small entities are included in this, especially when it comes to the thousands of ethnic media sources present in this country.
Minister, perhaps you can tell me this: Is there an approach to working with these smaller entities, which are usually ethnic media that speak to Canadians from all different backgrounds?
:
Absolutely, Mr. Coteau. We share your concern and your sense of the importance of small and ethnic media. This bill is good for big and small.
We put collective bargaining in the bill. This is super-important, because it allows small media to make agreements together. Instead of having one very small media entity negotiating with the big tech giants, they can get together as a group and negotiate, which gives them more strength and power.
For us, absolutely. It's written there in black and white that this bill has to support local, regional, small and medium-sized media, because we rely on them. We rely on them to get our information in different regions and in different languages. That's why the bill was drafted that way.
In Australia also, Mr. Coteau, their bill really benefited small media too.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
Minister, thank you for being with us today. The topic I'm going to address now is similar to the one I discussed earlier with Mr. Scott, from the CRTC, and that's the quality that would be required of news businesses for eligibility under this bill.
For example, under the present criteria, clause 27, which concerns the eligibility of news businesses, suggests that foreign-owned news businesses might be eligible. Don't you think that paves the way to potential abuses?
:
I actually put this question to the CRTC earlier, and I was told it obviously wasn't up to the CRTC to establish the criteria used to define a good journalism organization, that is to say a business that performs its work in a disciplined and serious manner. So that's a concern for me.
The criteria currently considered are used to determine whether a business is a “qualified Canadian journalism organization”. I don't think we have any criteria that can be used to determine the discipline and seriousness of journalism businesses. As we all know, anyone can claim to operate an Internet journalism business and become eligible if he or she meets the present criteria.
Shouldn't those additional criteria be included in the bill? I don't mean strict criteria, but we should at least ensure that journalism work is done with a certain discipline.
The established major media have a code of journalism conduct. CBC/Radio-Canada, for example, applies journalism standards and practices, and the newspapers generally have similar standards as well.
Shouldn't we draw on those journalism codes and best practices and incorporate certain criteria in this bill? Wouldn't that simplify the work of the CRTC or the organization that'll have to determine who is and isn't eligible?
:
That's exactly what I asked the CRTC representatives, who answered that their agency would be the one establishing the criteria. Consequently, perhaps it's up to us members of the committee to incorporate them in the bill. I understand that you'll be receptive to those types of amendments.
Earlier you said you were receptive to and interested in foreign legislation. I don't know whether you're aware of this, Minister, but I attended a world conference on culture in Mexico not long ago.
I spoke with representatives of other countries that are monitoring what we're doing with bills and . I mention those countries because, in many instances, they're small countries that likely aren't being as strong as we are compared to the web giants and that therefore have decided to see how the biggest countries legislate in this area. Then they'll feel they have allies when they have to implement their own regulations.
That's mainly why I'd like us to have sound criteria for the quality of businesses that want to be recognized as eligible. The Internet is global, and information circulates across borders. Those same rules will therefore be much easier to enforce in countries that are in a slightly weaker position relative to the web giants.
We have to set an example, hence my concern. We need to apply extremely strict criteria to prevent foreign disinformation and propaganda media from infiltrating our journalism world. That's what I'm referring to.
In view of that, don't you think we should be stricter and more rigorous and demanding of the businesses we recognize?
:
It isn't up to me to decide on the mission of a business, Mr. Champoux. Surely you realize that the purpose of this bill is, as far as possible, to prevent any interference and to allow free negotiating between the platforms and media.
I'd like to go back to what you just said because it's very important. Canada is currently a leader. The platforms are resisting for a reason. They think that, if something happens in Canada, it can happen elsewhere.
I was with you in Mexico, Mr. Champoux, and had the same conversations. Before that, I attended the G7 in Germany. Canada's Bill was discussed by all the other countries, and they want to see what we do before they determine whether they can introduce the same model.
As you know, Mr. Champoux, media and press freedom and independence have disappeared everywhere. Their disappearance is a threat to democracy both in Canada and elsewhere in the world.
:
Thank you, Madame Chair.
It was actually my colleague Mala, the associate, who was there, but I'm happy to answer the question.
Essentially, what we have done since August is review all the processes. Obviously, a stop has been made to the payment and we're looking to recoup the money that was given to this organization.
In addition, has ordered a review of all the programs, so no funds are going to go out to organizations until we have put new measures in place.
In addition, to your point, we have made sure, across the programs of Canadian Heritage, that this organization is never going to receive funds from us with Mr. Marouf being part of it.
I can talk in more detail to the additional measures we're putting in place, if you want.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair and Mr. Champoux.
[English]
I appreciate the minister, Mr. Owen Ripley and Ms. Mondou being here.
Through you, Madam Chair, I'll direct my questions to the minister.
We're not alone in working on this legislation for fair compensation from these digital platforms to support the free, independent and thriving press that we want. This bill has garnered a lot of interest from other countries that are looking at us as they're drafting similar legislation. We looked to Australia, and you mentioned in earlier testimony that Australia's now looking back at our legislation and that Europe, the U.S. and other countries are looking to us for inspiration.
You and I have had conversations about how other countries are approaching us. Can you speak to how this is the beginning of a wave of countries that are working on the same legislation?
:
Absolutely, Mr. Louis. Thank you for the question.
What we've seen in Canada—you've also seen it in other countries—is that the traditional local and regional press are disappearing. That worries me a lot, and I'm sure it worries everyone from all parties, with no exception. We have to find a way to counterbalance that and to make sure that we have a strong, independent and non-partisan free press, because our country was built on that. Our democracy is built on that. It's the same in the United States and it's the same in Germany, France and Italy.
I had the chance, as you say, to speak with my counterparts. The first one I spoke to was the Australian one, to make sure that I understood the model. That was when we brought in some changes, because there were places where we thought that we could be a bit more transparent, and we made the changes to be more transparent.
I then had the chance to discuss it with people in Germany and in France, and with my counterparts in Mexico and the States. They're very interested, as you said, because the disappearance of these traditional media is bad news for everyone, with no exception. When we had a lot of those traditional media in the middle, we had a more independent and neutral press. They're disappearing, and it's going more to the extremes. The extremes are always bad, Mr. Louis, anywhere in the world, in Canada and in any other country.
That's why the other countries are looking at us to see how we're trying to implement this and what the impact is of the changes we brought in to be more transparent. It was discussed at the G7. It was part of the final communiqué of the G7 work and it played a very big role, so hopefully we'll be able to inspire other countries.
You mentioned the importance of supporting local community media. You also mentioned that a broad range of supports exist to make sure that our local stories are told and heard.
Yesterday you announced the rollout of budget 2022 funding. Specifically, you were launching the special measures for journalism, which started during the pandemic. It was $10 million for the local journalism initiative and $40 million for the Canadian periodical fund. It's extremely timely.
We've heard from multiple witnesses. I'm thinking of the Saskatchewan and Alberta weekly newspapers—I believe they came last week—as well as local weekly newspapers and news organizations in my riding of Kitchener—Conestoga. They said that to ensure we keep journalism alive, we need this suite of support measures.
Can you expand on the things that are complementing Bill ?
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Absolutely. As I said at the beginning, this is not a silver bullet. There are other programs that are complementing this: The Canadian journalism labour tax credit supports moving costs and the periodical fund is benefiting so many local media outlets, especially smaller publications in the west. I know that Conservatives, for instance, were worried about this. The periodical fund plays a major role for small outlets, especially in the west.
We've added, as you mentioned, an additional $40 million to the fund in budget 2022. It was announced yesterday. The reaction was extremely positive. We think that with this funding, we'll be able to support an additional 800 news organizations, and most of them—a big, big chunk of them—are small players.
We created the local journalism initiative. It helps news organizations provide coverage in underserved communities.
Those programs complement each other and try to help our system have a strong local and regional independent free press, which is essential for democracy.
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Thank you, Madam Chair.
Minister Brian Myles, the director of Le Devoir, raised some concerns earlier this week about linguistic duality, among other issues. I also discussed this earlier.
However, another concern will definitely be raised soon. For those who haven't yet seen it coming, the bill contains no provision respecting the collection and sharing of data. We all know that data is crucially important these days. And yet the bill contains no provisions that would require Google, Facebook or any other intermediary to disclose data on the audience of our news media to news businesses.
Do you think that's something we should allow to be negotiated, or should we provide a framework for it in the bill?
:
Thank you very much, Madam Chair.
In principle, the vast majority of parties definitely support Bill , as do the vast majority of witnesses we've heard, including community newspapers from Alberta and Saskatchewan. What's more, community representatives in Conservative ridings have said that Bill C‑18 would be an important tool.
However, there has been criticism of the transparency surrounding the involvement of small newspapers and community radio stations, which won't be affected if no amendments are made to change matters. There's also the fact that there aren't really any limits on the arbitration process, which means that the web giants will have every reason to drag out the proceedings rather than negotiate. All those aspects should therefore be improved.
As I understand it, Minister, the department hasn't analyzed these issues. Your message today is that you are open to the possibility of accepting amendments to Bill C‑18 so that it actually makes the improvements we would like to see in the community network and Canadian journalism. Are you open to all those changes?
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Thank you, Madam Chair.
Built into my genetics is that when you hear the words “trust me” or “I'm here from the government to help”, run. Run fast in the opposite direction. It's built into my genetics, so when I see legislation at any level written and it's wide open, the regulations are critical. This one scares me. It scares me because of what has to be written next.
I've been around a long time. I've seen a lot regulations written on legislation that's very broad, and that's what gets scary to me, so Minister, when you talk about facts, I go to a term called “history”. As soon as you write something, it's history. When you split it in half, one is his story. Everybody's story is valid; it's his story. When you say that we have to have media with facts, everybody has his story. It's like when police take witness statements: They take one and they get one statement. When they take another one, they get another set of facts. When they take a third one, they get another set of facts. Everybody's personal opinions and everything they write are facts to them. I have a little problem when you say you only want media with facts, because what everybody writes is factual to them.
When you say “exclude”, I get really nervous. I'm inclusion. You said “excluding”. I don't like things that exclude. That's problematic for me.
My last thing, Minister, and you know it, is that I have a number of independent newspapers in my riding, and they are not covered by any of these. They have fewer than two journalists. They are hard-working people and they don't have the time or the resources to get together to negotiate anything. There are only going to be crumbs left on the table for anybody after the big guys take it. Minister, this doesn't help the weekly newspapers that cover everything in my riding in the communities. It's problematic.
Mr. Minister, I don't know. You've heard me say this before.