:
I call the meeting to order.
Welcome to meeting number 36 of the House of Commons Standing Committee on Canadian Heritage.
I would like to acknowledge that this meeting is taking place on the unceded traditional territory of the Algonquin Anishinabe people.
[English]
I also wanted to say that this meeting is pursuant to the order of reference of Thursday, May 12, 2022, and to government motion 16 adopted by the House of Commons on Monday, June 13, 2022. The committee is resuming clause-by-clause consideration of Bill , an act to amend the Broadcasting Act and to make related and consequential amendments to other acts.
You know everything about how to mute and those on the floor wearing masks, etc., so I will just reiterate that I know you know all of that and you know how to get to interpretation, etc.
(On clause 3)
The Chair:
When we left, we had finished CPC-4, and we were going to go to CPC-5.
Mr. Nater.
:
Thank you very much, Madam Chair.
I'm going to support CPC-7, but I want to be clear as well.
In Bill , there is no provision for censorship and there's no shutting down of freedom of speech. We all know that. There have been certain Conservative MPs, like Mr. Scheer, who've tried to pretend the contrary, but we all know, and anyone who has read the bill knows, that you cannot refer to censorship when it comes to Bill C-11.
This, however, and it's a little ironic, is a Conservative amendment that does introduce an element of censorship. It prevents the broadcasting to children of programs that include sexually explicit content, and it prevents the broadcasting of programs that include pornographic material that is produced through sexual exploitation or coercion.
I want to be clear to committee members. This is the only element of Bill that introduces censorship. It is ironic that the Conservatives have proposed this amendment, but I support it because, in this case, the censorship, the preventing of broadcasting, is in the public interest.
I want to say that I'll be voting in favour. I believe that the public interest is upheld through this. Committee members, and anyone who is watching this committee through the House of Commons web broadcast, should know that this introduces an element of censorship for the first time to Bill , and it's Conservatives who have introduced this amendment.
I'm supporting it because it is in the public interest, but those who say that Bill has some censorship in it will finally be right, because if this amendment passes, it does introduce an element of censorship into the bill.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
To situate where this amendment is taking place, it would be taking place in the policy objectives of the act, along with other policy objectives that are set out. Then it goes over to the CRTC to operationalize that through various mechanisms.
There is a degree of action already in this space with respect to adult channels that may appear on cable or satellite packages. The CRTC has put in place certain measures with respect to those channels that require certain things of them given the type of explicit content that they are distributing. That is traditionally done in the legacy broadcasting system by working with industry associations to develop broadcast codes and standards.
My expectation in terms of what would happen if these amendments were to pass is that the CRTC would look at them, probably to the extent that those codes already cover these kinds of issues. To the extent that there are gaps, it would probably work through its industry associations to adapt the codes as required. That can include things like user interfaces designed for children, and it includes classification of programming and all those types of measures.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
I have the same concern about amendment CPC-7.
I must admit that the proposed subparagraph (vi) suits me. Indeed, one cannot be against this provision, which seeks to prevent pornographic material from being produced under reprehensible conditions.
However, I have a serious problem with the proposed subparagraph (v). Where exactly is this line being drawn? It seeks “to protect the health and well-being of children by preventing the broadcasting to children of programs that include sexually explicit content.” What does that mean? Who determines what constitutes sexually explicit content? Today, around this table, we might determine that this or that content is sexually explicit; another assembly might determine that a mother breastfeeding her child constitutes sexually explicit content. To me, the definition of sexually explicit content is problematic, because that's where opinions are going to differ and it's going to be extremely difficult to draw the line.
In that sense, I would be very much in favour of what CPC-7 suggests if the proposed subparagraph (v) were removed. While I understand that the intent is good, I believe that this provision does not belong in a bill like this one. It is too slippery a slope, closer to censorship, I believe, than to the actual protection of children's health and welfare. I do support proposed subparagraph (vi), however, so I would be quite prepared to support the amendment if, for example, someone would venture to remove proposed subparagraph (v) from the amendment.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
I totally agree with what Mr. Champoux just said.
[English]
Essentially, I read this, “preventing the broadcasting to children of programs that include sexually explicit content”, in a bill in which we have Conservatives reticent to give powers to the CRTC, as giving unlimited powers to the CRTC to determine what is sexually explicit. How do we stop children from seeing this? Does this mean that a 17-year-old, who is not an adult...is a 17-year-old not allowed to watch Game of Thrones?
I find this to be absolute censorship. I don't agree with it at all, and I don't agree with giving the CRTC those powers. Much as Mr. Ripley may minimize what the CRTC would do, I don't agree with that. I think we're giving it effectively wide open powers to determine what is sexually explicit, which is not its mandate or its role or its expertise, and then to figure out how to somehow stop children from seeing this. Then we're going to restrict adults from seeing materials that are not illegal but are simply sexually explicit.
I don't agree with how this is worded. I also question whether or not the CRTC is the one, because there are other means to stop pornographic material that is produced through sexual exploitation or coercion, which is illegal in Canada. It is an illegal activity. I don't believe the CRTC has the means to know what material was produced that way.
If anything, in a bill where we've been talking about all of the draconian powers we could be giving to the CRTC, this is the first amendment that gives real censorship powers to the CRTC, a body that I don't think is equipped to do this. I think there is an online harms bill that is coming. If stuff like this should be anywhere, it should be in an online harms bill, where you create a regulator that has expertise and knows how to do this. I don't think the CRTC is the right body at all.
Thank you, Madam Chair.
:
The government's position on this has been that one reason for Bill is to bring non-Canadian broadcasting services into the system.
Generally speaking, these broadcasting services have global business models whereby they are making productions for global audiences and not exclusively for the Canadian audience.
The issue that this committee and the committee in the previous Parliament have grappled with is how to square the current standard in the current act, which talks about making maximum use, but only applies to Canadian companies whose operations take place in the Canadian context—it makes sense to ask them to make maximum use, no less case predominant use, because the reference point is exclusively Canadian—with the fact that moving forward we will now have non-Canadian services that are expected to contribute to the policy objectives of the act.
The reference point of maximum use in the context where the operations of those businesses are global, from the government's perspective, has been challenging. The government has heard from those companies that they do not think it is a realistic benchmark.
The language that's currently in Bill is reflective of the work that the committee did in the previous Parliament to set out a “maximum use” standard with respect to Canadian services. With respect to foreign services, it pushes them to make, as the language in the bill says, “the greatest practicable use of Canadian creative and other human resources”. It also clarifies that they should “contribute in an equitable manner”, i.e., in a fair manner. The CRTC has to look at their contributions compared to the contributions of Canadian broadcasters to make sure that the system is fair and everybody is pulling their weight.
The proposal being put forward would create one standard applicable to all and would be that higher maximum use standard. I would also highlight that the language in the current law, i.e., the current Broadcasting Act, has a bit of flexibility in the current standard. It talks about how, “unless the nature of the service provided by the undertaking, such as specialized content or format or the use of languages other than French and English, renders that use impracticable, in which case the undertaking shall make the greatest practicable use of those resources”.
I would just note that the standard being proposed no longer even has that degree of flexibility incorporated, so it is quite a high standard that the committee would be proposing for all broadcasting services.
:
From what I understand from the explanations Mr. Ripley has just given us, we are going to listen to the multinationals' complaints rather than to the Canadian industry and producers.
Here, undertakings are being asked to use “Canadian ... resources ... in the creation, production and presentation of their [Canadian] programming,” and not for all of their programming. I obviously don't expect an undertaking to be required to produce a Swedish miniseries in Canada.
In this case, I understand that we are listening to these undertakings' grievances rather than pursuing the objective of Bill , which is to make the market fair, both for Canadian undertakings and for foreign undertakings that benefit from the Canadian market.
I find it hard to justify bending to the arguments of these multinationals, when we want them to invest in production by calling on Canadian talent and creators, who are as capable as foreign talent, if not more so, of producing Canadian programming that tells our stories.
I don't think that's a good argument. Mr. Julian's proposal, which is similar to the Bloc Québécois' proposal, reflects the expectations of the industry, the market, our producers, our talent and our artisans. I therefore think that this amendment is appropriate.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
I have some questions for the officials on the trade agreements. When this was actually signed in the eighties, the deputy minister of Canadian heritage, and I forget the person's name, I apologize.... I've read the book. A big component of the agreement back then was where Hollywood and others did not agree with Canadian laws on Canada-U.S. trade agreements. I'm not sure this wouldn't follow the same trait, that we're not going down the same road. It was the deputy minister of Canadian heritage at the time who actually saved the bill, the broadcasting bill.
It went to the U.S. Congress and they intercepted it, and then we worked our way through it.
Here Mr. Julian has brought an amendment to this, but I am very concerned that we're going back to this with the USMCA some 31 years later. You probably read the book, and I wish I had the name of the book, but it was specifically on this issue of Canada-U.S. trade relations dealing with heritage and broadcasting.
Does it change anything, 31 years later?
:
I'm not entirely sure on the book. Obviously, I would say our trade obligations were certainly kept in mind, as we have crafted this legislation and made efforts to ensure, actually, that it's crafted in such a way as to be non-discriminatory. For example, Canadian online undertakings like Crave, for example, or Club illico would be expected to contribute, just like non-Canadian undertakings. We have certainly kept those considerations in mind.
In response to the committee's debate, the government is seeking to put in place a bill that has a high degree of ambition with respect to seeking contributions from these streaming services, but at the same time we have been mindful about the need to put in place a bill that, at the end of the day, can be operationalized as well. It has to work in practice. I would come back to the reference point with respect to a Canadian broadcaster that is established in Canada, has operations here, and inherently uses only Canadian resources with respect to its operations. It's a different reference point from a global company.
I certainly hear Mr. Champoux's concerns about making sure that we are being very ambitious with respect to the contributions we're seeing from those companies, but we do need to keep in mind that they are a very diverse group of services, potentially, ranging from Netflix to Disney+ to Amazon. The business models are different.
The goal was to ensure that the CRTC has the clear direction to seek from them, to the greatest extent possible, the kinds of contributions they can make to the system.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
In case folks around the table wonder about PV, back in the day, when I first started presenting amendments, they didn't want to use “G” for Green because it would have been confused with “Government”, which some day will be the case—you'll have a Green government and there won't be any confusion. However, for now, PV is Parti vert, and I am presenting very succinctly this amendment, which would create new language on page 6, just after line 22.
It comes from evidence that the committee has heard, largely from the community radio, community broadcasting group. I won't read it all out, but they wanted, and this amendment creates, the opportunity for a divergence of opinion and views to be heard on matters of public concern, and specifically—and this is language that I think is so good—“to directly participate in public dialogue on those matters through the community element; and...”
The amendment would inject the notion that our public broadcasters and our community broadcasters and the whole Broadcasting Act would create opportunities for respectful dialogue and to expose people to different views and also create for them not just an observational experience but a participatory experience, to participate directly in public dialogue.
I think if we had this kind of thing, we wouldn't see such low voter turnout, if people were able to engage.
That's my submission. I hope this amendment will find favour with committee members. Thank you.
:
Madam Chair, this amendment suggests that we “include the greatest possible contribution from the Canadian production sector, whether it is independent or affiliated with or owned by a broadcasting undertaking”.
In fact, with this amendment, we want to make a change to the current act. It's not an amendment to what Bill proposes. We want to add this wording to correct a situation, so to speak.
When the Broadcasting Act was passed in 1991, independent producers were a developing industry. It was not yet a force in the industry, but it was developing. At that time, the intention was to encourage self-employed people in the production industry by means of a provision in the act that encouraged the greatest possible use of their services.
Today, it is somewhat the opposite. Independent producers and self-employed cultural workers, particularly in the production field, are an important part of the industry and are often the reference and the first resource that broadcasting undertakings call upon for production.
In this context, it is entirely appropriate to amend the wording of the Broadcasting Act, 1991, by adding the following after line 22 on page 6 of the bill:
(5.1) Subparagraph 3(1)(i)(v) of the Act is replaced by the following:
(v) include the greatest possible contribution from the Canadian production sector, whether it is independent or affiliated with or owned by a broadcasting undertaking;
:
Thank you very much, Madam Chair.
I have more delightful news.
Really, NDP-4 and NDP-5 were, I think, earlier versions, because we sent in a revised version more recently, a few days ago. They aren't really touching what the NDP amendment is, so it has been distributed under NDP-4, which I will offer instead.
It is that Bill , in clause 3, be amended by replacing lines 37 and 38 on page 6 with the following:
digenous persons—within community elements which are positioned to serve smaller and remote communities and other elements of the Canadian broadcasting system;
This has already been circulated in English and French, and it replaces NDP-4 and NDP-5.
:
I will try to read it in both languages.
[English]
In English—just to be sure we get it right—line 41 on page 6 would be replaced by “Canadian broadcasting system, including, without limitation, closed captioning services and video services available to assist persons living with a visual impairment”.
[Translation]
In the French version, I imagine that on line 44, immediately after the end of the word “obstacles,” which is split in two by a hyphen, it would add “y inclus des services de sous-titrage codé et des services de vidéodescription afin d'aider les personnes ayant une déficience visuelle.”
[English]
John, was that okay with you, since it's your amendment?
Is that fine with you, Mr. Méla? Did you get that?
Is there any further discussion?
(Amendment agreed to)
The Chair: We're going to go to amendment CPC-7.11.
Before I ask the mover of that amendment to speak, I would like everyone to note that if CPC-7.11 is adopted, then CPC-7.12, BQ-9, Liberal-5, NDP-7.1 and BQ-10 cannot be moved due to line conflicts. Shall I repeat that, or did everyone get it? Was I slow enough?
I see no hands up, so obviously everyone got it. We will turn to Mr. Nater to move CPC-7.11.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
This is a very simple amendment. It simply deletes a few lines. I'm sure we will pass these slowly on division.
This one deletes line 42 on page 6 all the way to line 14 on page 7. The effect of this removes the discoverability aspects of Bill . We're doing this because we still haven't had a policy directive from the to the CRTC in terms of how discoverability will be implemented and how this will come into practice.
We've heard speculation all throughout it, and a lot of this could have been remedied with a simple, clear direction from the minister to the CRTC. Barring that and looking to the future, we are proposing that we remove this from the bill.
Obviously, at some point it's going to pass, and the CRTC will be tasked with implementing this. I recognize where our votes are on this committee, but at the same time, this is something we feel strongly about. We want to see Canadian productions and creations excel and thrive here at home and around the world. I think there's a real concern and hesitancy among many domestic creators on how discoverability gets implemented. It may, in fact, harm some Canadian creators.
In not wanting to see Canadian creators be hurt or harmed in their ability to find success globally, we are proposing that these clauses be removed from the bill.
Thank you, Madam Chair.
As I understand the objective of the amendment, it is to provide some texture, essentially, to the programming of community media. There are a number of places where the committee has amended the act to make reference to community media and the unique role they play in the system, so this further elaborates on the kind of programming that they would be expected to deliver.
I would note that, indeed, the list as drafted appears to be drafted in a prescriptive way, in the sense that this is saying that these are the kinds of things that community programming should be; therefore, one could expect, as the CRTC moves through its decisions with respect to community media, that it will look at this list, and you could expect it to impose these kinds of obligations on community media, or there would be an expectation that they distribute this kind of programming.
As drafted, this is prescriptive in the sense that it seems to be a fairly exhaustive, prescriptive list. I note that Mr. Julian spoke about this being a request from the community media sector, but it will play out through those decisions of the CRTC.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
This amendment proposes to follow through on what we've heard from many parliamentarians, including the and many content creators, which is that platforms are in and users are out. This would seek to remove exemptions from proposed section 4.1 and 4.2 to ensure that this act does not apply with respect to users.
While I have the floor, in the event that I don't get a chance to share, should this not have the support of the committee, a later amendment—I believe it's PV-4.2—seeks to say, “Okay, maybe just those that are indirectly generating revenue...at least those users would not be covered by the act”. I believe that is identical to, perhaps, CPC-9.
I won't get a chance to speak to it, but that's another offering, in the event that this initial proposal doesn't have the support. The interest here is that platforms are in and users are out.
It's been rather interesting, because around this table, we have some members who would say that user-generated content is not captured by this bill and there's no chance of that ever being the case.
We have the touting that same line, but then we have Mr. Ian Scott, the chair of the CRTC, which is responsible for enacting this piece of legislation. He has said that, indeed, user-generated content actually can be captured by this bill, should the CRTC wish to do so.
It leaves a lot of discretion with the CRTC, so I can appreciate my colleague Mr. Morrice's desire to clarify that and to ensure that user-generated content is excluded from this bill. This is something we heard from witnesses over and over again during our time here.
I will take this opportunity to remind the committee of an exchange I had with Mr. Ian Scott. I asked him about the regulation of user content and whether or not it was captured in the bill. I'll quote myself. I said:
Bill C-11 does, in fact, leave user-generated content open to being regulated by the CRTC. I recognize that there have been arguments against this. However, Dr. Michael Geist has said, “The indisputable reality is that the net result of those provisions—
This is mainly the clause that we are discussing now. It's clause 4.
—is that user generated content is covered by the bill.”
Jeanette Patell from YouTube Canada has said...“the draft law's wording gives the broadcast regulator”—in other words, you—“scope to oversee everyday videos posted for other users to watch.”
Scott Benzie from Digital First Canada has said...“while the government says the legislation will not cover digital first creators, ‘the bill clearly captures them.’”
That was my exchange. I went on to say:
All these individuals are individual users generating content. It would appear that the bill does or could, in fact, capture them. Is that correct?
That was my question to Mr. Ian Scott, the CRTC chair. His response was:
As constructed, there is a provision that would allow us to do it as required....
Let me read that into the record again. Mr. Ian Scott, to my question as to whether or not user-generated content is captured, said, “As constructed, there is a provision that would allow us to do it as required”. In other words, he will make the decision whether or not he wishes to capture user-generated content and to what extent.
The looks of obstinance.
It is incumbent upon us, then, if the truly does not wish to capture any user-generated content within this legislation and if he truly wishes only to go after large streaming platforms or companies, to make sure that is cleaned up. Let's make sure that this bill, in fact, excludes all possible user-generated content. Let's make sure that Ian Scott is mistaken.
However, as of right now, as the chair of the CRTC, I take him at his word. He is, after all, the individual who is responsible for making sure this legislation comes into force, that it is applied across the board and that there are repercussions for not following this piece of legislation. If he is saying that user-generated content is in, that is cause for concern for all of us.
Further to that, I could draw your attention to Spotify. I could draw your attention to YouTube. I could draw your attention to Scott Benzie. I could draw your attention to Mr. Peter Menzies, who is a former CRTC commissioner. I could draw your attention to TikTok Canada. I could draw your attention to Matthew Hatfield from Open Media and Morghan Fortier from Skyship Entertainment. I could draw your attention to J.J. McCullough and Dr. Michael Geist, who has been mentioned. I could draw your attention to Ms. Roy, who is Aunty Skates. The list goes on and on.
All of these individuals or organizations have made comments at this committee with regard to user-generated content, and they have confirmed that it is, in fact, captured by this bill.
The Internet Society, interestingly enough, is composed of a group of four main individuals, two of whom are former CRTC commissioners. I would say they have a fairly authoritative voice on the topic.
I know that the Liberal members across from me think they're the authority, but personally, I and, I believe, many other Canadians would rather give that authority to individuals who have actually sat in a position where they've had to implement legislation through the CRTC because of their positions.
Those individuals said that under this bill, “Parliament could declare email to be broadcasting” and subject to regulation. They wrote, “When all you have is a hammer, everything looks like a nail.”
In the brief they sent to the committee, they went on to say the following:
C-11 is based on the tragic illusion that all [radio] and audio-visual content on the Internet is a program, and that any person who transmits a program on the Internet is a broadcaster rather than a communicator.
They go on in their brief to say that it “fails to differentiate between a podcast produced in a residential basement and a major release motion picture...on Netflix”. They then go on in their brief to say that “it is neither possible nor beneficial” to use the Broadcasting Act to regulate the Internet: “Internet streaming services are simply not broadcasting.”
As mentioned, two of the four board members on the Internet Society are former CRTC commissioners. They go on to say that, “The tiny Canadian broadcasting system—tiny [i]n the scheme of things— [takes] on the world of the Internet by the mere trick of redefining 'broadcasting'”.
In other words, what they are saying is that under this piece of legislation, an antiquated piece, an antiquated document, the Broadcasting Act, is being used to regulate something new, and within that parameter....
I'm sorry, Chair. The members across the way are having a conversation. It's rather loud and rather distracting. Could you just bring that under control?
:
It is within our rights as members to have quiet conversations. We weren't speaking. We were whispering. That's within our right as members. I know that members of the opposition frequently speak to their assistants, who are behind them. That's why our assistants are behind us. It wasn't a loud conversation. We weren't talking. Nothing could be heard.
I don't think it's reasonable, and I know this has happened on a few occasions with Ms. Thomas, that she has demanded absolute silence in this committee, which is not something that she has ever granted the rest of us.
I'm respectful of what Ms. Thomas has to say, and respectful of her time, but I also have to be respectful of the fact that we all are members of Parliament. We are all planning what happens next. We all have the opportunity to have quiet conversations on the side, whispering, as I was, with our staff.
That's something I've experienced. It's something that we've done over the past six years. To demand whisper-quiet and silence to hear a pin drop is not something that anyone would expect—
A voice: [Inaudible—Editor]
Mr. Chris Bittle: —and not something that Ms. Thomas grants. Ironically enough, she's talking while I'm speaking right now. It's a little rich, Madam Chair.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair. I think this is a very passionate topic. I think that's what we're seeing right now.
This is a very passionate topic and a very important topic because it affects so many Canadians, so many digital-first creators and so many people who are out there making a go of it through new technologies, new means and user-generated content.
I want to be very clear. The one aspect of this bill that I have received the most correspondence on has been this aspect: proposed section 4.2. I will be supporting the amendment brought forward by Mr. Morrice of the Green Party. It's similar to the amendment that will come after it and is sponsored by the Conservative Party.
Unfortunately, given the time, we likely won't get to debate that one, so I'm using this opportunity—and I appreciate Mr. Morrice's bringing this forward and allowing me to speak to it—because this is it. This is, in my view, one of the most important aspects of this bill.
We've heard from people like Oorbee Roy and those who have been able to find success, such as, for example, J.J. McCullough, who my colleague just mentioned, with his exceptional and frankly enjoyable testimony. His video, which was posted afterwards, was a great effort at explaining much of this to us.
When it comes to this aspect, if the can be taken at his word—and I want to take the minister at his word—removing proposed section 4.2, removing this aspect of the piece of legislation, will very clearly show to Canadians that users are out and that user-generated content will not be captured by this bill.
Because I'm not going to be able to debate or explain future amendments for Canadians watching at home, and I know that there are tens of people tuning in to ParlVU as we speak and paying attention to clause-by-clause, you'll notice as we go on that we'll be voting on a number of amendments without debate. Some of them will be labelled “CPC”, some “LIB” and some “NDP”, accounting for the different parties.
The Conservative Party was putting forward, I think, meaningful and constructive amendments that would allow this piece of legislation to be approved and would clarify once and for all to Canadians that users are in fact out. That's what the committed to, and that's what this amendment and the next Conservative amendment would achieve, a hundred per cent. I know there's controversy around this. I know there are people who will disagree with that aspect, but if we take the minister at his word and if we take the government at its word, this achieves what they've been saying from day one. This achieves what we've set out to achieve.
I don't want to take up too much time, other than putting on the record that we will be making more amendments that would protect users and the content that Canadians post online. It's just unfortunate that in a few minutes we turn into pumpkins and can no longer debate this piece of legislation in the way I think Canadians expect us to.
I've put my comments on the floor. I've put my comments on the record. I just wish I could say more as we go through the amendments.
I will yield my time, Madam Chair.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
Speaking to this amendment—and I'll leave some time so Mr. Julian can have a say—specifically, it would exclude social media platforms like YouTube, which is what more than two-thirds of Canadians use to stream music. It would perpetuate an unfair playing field, and ultimately that's what this bill is about. It's about making these platforms pay.
From the beginning, it's almost seemed like we were looking at the International Olympic Committee, and I'm sure many of us in the room would say, “That's not a great organization. Look at the athletes. The athletes are great. They're doing great things. They're doing wonderful things, but don't look at the IOC. Let's not discuss that as an important part of sport and the actions they take.” The Conservatives are discussing and bringing forth these amendments for the benefit of some of the largest companies in the world, Google and TikTok, and we're here to ensure that individual platforms will have obligations under this bill, not users.
We need to ensure that there is a level playing field, and we need to ensure that platforms contribute to Canadian culture. It's been the Canadian model, something we've been doing for decades successfully—having that discussion, having that talk. We all pick our favourite stories that we've heard from Canadians and favourite artists.
We had Gord Sinclair from the Tragically Hip here to talk about how the system benefited him and how it benefited a band from a small town in eastern Ontario to make it big on the scene. I know that will probably be upset that I called it a small town in eastern Ontario, but that's what Mr. Sinclair said. He talked about needing to have this legislation to ensure that we have the next Tragically Hip, so we can continue to tell those Canadian stories and have those benefits.
I'd like to ensure that Mr. Julian has a chance to speak, because I see we're getting close to nine o'clock, but those are the government's objectives.
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
This is actually positive news, and I think you will agree. If we read the terms of motion 16, it says, “if the committee has not completed its clause-by-clause consideration of the bill by 9:00 p.m. on June 14, 2022, all remaining amendments”, etc., etc.
The good news, Madam Chair, is that it doesn't specify Eastern Daylight Time, so since you, as our chair, are in Pacific Daylight Time, it means that we still have three hours in which we can debate until we hit 9 p.m. in your time. As the chair of our committee, you still have three hours to debate amendments, so I look forward to that matter.
:
We shall go to CPC-14.1 then.
(Amendment negatived: nays 7; yeas 4 [See Minutes of Proceedings])
The Chair: Shall CPC-14.2 carry?
(Amendment negatived: nays 7; yeas 4 [See Minutes of Proceedings])
The Chair: Shall CPC-14.3 carry?
(Amendment negatived: nays 7; yeas 4 [See Minutes of Proceedings])
The Chair: Shall CPC-14.4 carry?
(Amendment negatived: nays 7; yeas 4 [See Minutes of Proceedings])
The Chair: Shall CPC-14.5 carry?
(Amendment negatived: nays 7; yeas 4 [See Minutes of Proceedings])
Shall CPC-14.6 carry?
(Amendment negatived: nays 7; yeas 4 [See Minutes of Proceedings])
:
We are now ready to resume. I think everything's working, as far as I get from the clerk.
Shall amendment CPC-14.7 carry?
(Amendment negatived: nays 7; yeas 4 [See Minutes of Proceedings])
The Chair: Shall CPC-14.8 carry?
(Amendment negatived: nays 7; yeas 4 [See Minutes of Proceedings])
The Chair: Shall CPC-14.9 carry?
(Amendment negatived: nays 7; yeas 4 [See Minutes of Proceedings])
The Chair: Shall CPC-14.10 carry?
(Amendment negatived: nays 7; yeas 4 [See Minutes of Proceedings])
The Chair: Shall CPC-14.11 carry?
(Amendment negatived: nays 7; yeas 4 [See Minutes of Proceedings] )
The Chair: Thank you.
As chair, I would like to make a quick comment. If I smile sometimes, it's because I think Mr. Champoux and Mr. Julian are the Laurel and Hardy of this committee. They just make me laugh.
:
Thank you for telling me what's happening on the floor, because I cannot see. I'm hoping that someone will tell me what's going on so that I am aware. Thank you. Thank you for telling me this, whoever told me that it was not agreed to on division.
Again, shall clause 5 carry?
(Clause 5 as amended agreed to: yeas 7; nays 4)
(On clause 6)
The Chair: We're going to clause 6. I just want to say that LIB-8, which is the first one in that clause, has already been adopted. It was when LIB-1 was adopted.
Actually, just for the sake of everyone knowing, CPC-16 has already been dealt with. With a vote on LIB-1, it was removed. CPC-16 was already dealt with, with LIB-1, when it was adopted.
The next on our agenda is NDP-15—
:
Thank you, Madam Chair.
Yes, indeed, the amendment is properly drafted. It amends only the French version, so if you look at the English version of the amendment on the left side of the page, the lead-in would be in English, but it would refer to the French text because only the French text is amended.
The lead-in, “That Bill C-11, in Clause 6, be amended by replacing, in the French version, lines 1 and 2 on page 10 with the following”, would be for the English-speaking person reading the amendment to say this is where you have to look, but you have to look in the French version because only the French version has been amended.
It is properly drafted because of that.
I've decided to flag to everyone that if NDP-17 is adopted, BQ-15 on page 113 and NDP-17.1 cannot be moved due to a line conflict.
Shall NDP-17 carry?
(Amendment negatived: nays 9; yeas 2 [See Minutes of Proceedings])
The Chair: We can now move to BQ-15.
If BQ-15 is adopted, NDP-17.1 and NDP-18, which is on page 115, cannot be moved due to a line conflict.
I would also like to inform everyone that if BQ-15 is adopted, NDP-17.1 becomes moot, as they are identical. If BQ-15 is defeated, so is NDP-17.1, for the same reason.
Shall BQ-15 carry?
(Amendment negatived: nays 9; yeas 2 [See Minutes of Proceedings])
:
We'll have a recorded division on CPC-18.1.
(Amendment negatived: nays 7, yeas 4 [See Minutes of Proceedings])
The Chair: CPC-18.2 and CPC-18.3 were removed.
We are on CPC-18.4.
(Amendment negatived: nays 7, yeas 4 [See Minutes of Proceedings])
The Chair: We are on CPC-18.5.
(Amendment negatived: nays 7, yeas 4 [See Minutes of Proceedings])
The Chair: We are on CPC-19.
(Amendment negatived: nays 7, yeas 4 [See Minutes of Proceedings])
The Chair: We are on CPC-19.1.
(Amendment negatived: nays 7, yeas 4 [See Minutes of Proceedings])
The Chair: We'll now move to BQ-16, but before I call the vote, I would like to note that, if BQ-16 is adopted, LIB-10 on page 126 cannot be moved due to a line conflict.
Shall BQ-16 carry?
:
Shall clause 22 as amended carry?
(Clause 22 as amended agreed to on division)
(On clause 23)
The Chair: If BQ-26 is adopted, NDP-23 becomes moot since they are identical, and PV-8 cannot be moved due to line conflict. If BQ-26 is defeated, so is NDP-23, as they are identical.
Shall BQ-26 carry?
(Amendment negatived: nays 5; yeas 2 [See Minutes of Proceedings])
The Chair: That means that NDP-23 similarly does not carry.
Shall PV-8 carry?
(Amendment negatived: nays 6; yeas 1 [See Minutes of Proceedings])
(Clause 23 agreed to on division)
(Clauses 24 to 27 inclusive agreed to on division)
(On clause 28)
:
On clause 37, we have NDP-24.1.
I shall read you the legislative clerk's note on this. It says that Bill amends mainly the Broadcasting Act in various ways. This amendment seeks to amend the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission Act by requiring the commission to collect statistical data to be included in the report on its activities in accordance with subsection 13(2) of the act, based on the implementation of section 3 of the Broadcasting Act.
As House of Commons Procedure and Practice, third edition, states on page 770:
An amendment to a bill that was referred to a committee after second reading is out of order if it is beyond the scope and principle of the bill.
In our opinion, the amendment, by requiring the collection of statistical data not envisioned in the bill, goes beyond the scope of the bill. Therefore, I rule the amendment inadmissible. This ruling applies also to CPC-29.1, because it is identical to NDP-24.1.
Shall I move on further now?
Shall NDP-24.1 carry?