:
I call the meeting to order. Good morning, everyone.
We'll get started. We do have quorum.
Welcome, everyone, to meeting number 35 of the House of Commons Standing Committee on Government Operations and Estimates, also known as the mighty OGGO.
Today we're continuing our air defence procurement projects study.
We have witnesses from 11 to 12. From Thales Canada, we have Chris Pogue, chief executive officer; and from the Conference of Defence Associations, we have Youri Cormier, executive director.
We'll start with five-minute briefs from both of them.
Mr. Pogue, perhaps you would like to go first, please, for five minutes.
Good morning, Mr. Chair, and members of the committee.
As noted, I am Chris Pogue, the CEO for Thales Canada, part of the Thales group of companies, a global technology leader with 80,000 employees operating in 68 countries.
I want to extend my sincere appreciation for this opportunity to discuss defence procurement, with a specific emphasis on Canada's air defence needs.
I also want to come before you, recognizing that I have served 20 years in the Canadian military and now almost 20 years in the Canadian defence sector. Throughout this time in the industry, my north star has always been to serve those who serve. I can say that the same spirit exists within our team. With over 2,000 employees of Thales in Canada and considerable investment in Canada, one example being $40 million annually in R and D executed right here, we are building a safer, greener and more inclusive future that we can all trust—developing Canadian capabilities in augmented intelligence, cloud computing and collaborative defence and security.
The point of today's gathering is that change is the status quo, and never has there been more need for change than what is urgent today. With war raging in Ukraine, Canada's chief of the defence staff is pushing for industry to move to wartime footing. Western leaders are looking to shore up friends to reduce trade barriers and supply chain risks, underscoring the need to acquire the interoperable solutions best suited to supporting allied missions.
To act, however, industry needs more than a demand signal. It needs orders framed with predictability and timeliness. Those orders can enable faster delivery of outcomes, and in better ways. When it comes to procuring wartime capabilities, slow and steady cannot win this race, nor will going it alone. Canada must move in step with its allies. Winning modern wars is made possible only when allies co-operate seamlessly.
Our closest allies are willing to help Canada meet its most urgent air defence needs, with capabilities that would ensure allied interoperability while protecting our own forces in Baltic deployments. Companies, including Thales, have answered Canada's call for the capability to protect our people and to defend our interests. We remain concerned, however, that Canada's procurement system inhibits the ability to act on some of these offers, not for lack motivation but for lack of flexibility.
Today Thales equips the United Kingdom, among our closest allies, with short-range air defence capability to defend against threatening planes, helicopters and drones. This capability is currently deployed in support of NATO missions. Along with training, this capability has been provided to Ukrainian armed forces, where it has proved to be an effective system against Russian aggression.
It is in Canada's best interest to protect our soldiers well. It is also in Canada's best interest to ensure NATO interoperability within this current context. Canadian air defence capability is critical to industry, and industry is ready and equipped to serve those who serve with a field-proven capability.
Today's conflicts won't wait. They move fast and develop almost instantly. Industry and government share a responsibility to use every creative means they can to move Canadian capability from the world of delays and deliberations into the hands of our armed forces and NATO allies.
Deploying Canadian forces to the Baltics creates an urgent air defence and force protection need, and there is an immediate and interoperable solution available. Canada needs to take action. Acting today will also provide a transformative opportunity for the development of Canada's ground-based air defence capability of tomorrow.
Canada must continue to tap into the promise of new ways of working with industry. There are guideposts of this promise, for example relational and trust-based contracting, which is already being used today by the Royal Canadian Navy. It offers the potential to maintain continuous capability, incremental field innovation by design, and to incentivize collaboration. In my 20 years of service and 20 years in the industry, this may be the most significant procurement shift I've ever seen, with a great potential to deliver faster and more capable solutions. Perhaps we will turn to it later in the dialogue this morning.
In closing, I urge all of us to address Canada's immediate need to acquire air defence capabilities to defend our interests and protect those who serve.
Thank you.
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
[English]
Good morning, everyone.
Let me start by thanking the committee today for calling the CDA as a witness for your study of Canadian air defence procurement.
The Conference of Defence Associations was founded in 1932 and today serves as an umbrella group for 40 member associations who represent over 400,000 active and retired members of the Canadian Armed Forces. Our goal is to foster a facts-based rational approach to Canada's defence and security policy.
Now, for full disclosure with the committee, I want to mention that the CDA Institute, our sister organization, counts Boeing, Lockheed Martin, Airbus and Pratt & Whitney as past and current clients. However, the bulk of our income is obtained through competitive grants, private donations and ticket sales to our events, and the above four represent a minute fraction of overall revenues.
Having said that, the key thing here is that we do not have a favoured aircraft in this fight, nor would it be appropriate for a think tank like ours—a charity organization, a non-partisan organization—to take sides. We trust that through the analysis of capability requirements and industrial benefits, the government apparatus is very well equipped to make a reasoned decision.
It has been a long-held CDA view that Canada's North American air defences need to be fully modernized, and a future fighter is a key part of that process.
In March 2022, Canada picked the Lockheed Martin F-35 as the preferred bidder to supply 88 new fighter aircraft. This decision comes late, in our view. Indeed, a lot of what we know today about the F-35 we knew already in 2012. The last thing Canada should want to do now is to delay any longer. The RCAF and our national industrial base have waited long enough.
We need a robust defence industrial base in order to deliver much-needed materiel to the Canadian Armed Forces in a way that is economically sustainable for our country and that delivers high-value jobs to Canadians. Having said that, let's be careful not to forget the “B” in ITBs. Economic benefits are a key outcome of military procurement and the means to sustain it, but they are merely a benefit, not the end goal itself.
Delivering the right capabilities for the right price at the right time is the fundamental role of military procurement. If government focuses too strongly on ITBs and loses sight of what the CAF needs, we wind up paying far too much for the wrong capabilities that arrive too late.
Bureaucratic risk-averse procedures are key contributors to rust-out. Recognizing the need for parliamentary oversight, we think it should be extended to grant political cover to procurement issues where bureaucrats dare not tread, in order to speed up the process. Now that we have selected the F-35, we should go quickly to contract and make sure that we get the full range of integrated sensors for it to operate at it best.
Canada also needs to put in place full logistics and support, maintenance, infrastructure and information technology upgrades and training programs in support of the decision.
The F-35 will boost our ability to confront new generations of airborne threats. These threats include cruise missiles, hypersonic weapons systems, ballistic missiles, UAVs and fractional orbital bombardment systems. The F-35 cannot come soon enough, as the war in Ukraine has demonstrated the dangers of hypersonic weapons and suicide drones.
We also have witnessed the powerful effects of ultra-modern air defences on the battlefield. In addition to the F-35, Canada will need a robust ground-based air defence system that includes shoulder-held anti-aircraft missiles and a counter-drone capability.
In a future conflict in which Canada is called on to enforce a no-fly zone or police the skies over NATO countries, the F-35 would be our most effective platform for such a mission.
Since SSE was written, the geopolitical environment has rapidly declined. Russia has engaged in a full-scale war in Ukraine, and we have seen distressing levels of escalation in the Indo-Pacific.
Vladimir Putin's Russia has become extremely dangerous and unpredictable. It is also our next-door neighbour in the north.
Air assets are therefore crucial to protecting our sovereignty. Just last week, American F-16s were scrambled after two Russian Tu-95 Bear-H bombers entered the Alaskan air defence identification zone.
Being able to support our allies in NORAD and NATO is not only key to our national sovereignty and security. It's also important as a means whereby a middle power like Canada can help uphold the rules-based order, which is so central to our strategic interest.
Our economy and values depend on the rules-based system, and we also depend on our allies to sustain it. In exchange, both need to be able to depend on us, so we must be equipped and ready to do our fair share.
[Translation]
I will stop there.
I will be pleased to answer your questions, whether it be in English or in French.
Thank you.
:
If you look at what we're using right now in the Canadian Armed Forces, it kind of speaks for itself. There are the Netherlands' old tanks, old British submarines. We're looking at old Australian jets. We have this way of shopping at the thrift shop and getting what we pay for here in Canada.
If we're going to be a G7 country, I think we have to stop having this preference for a Dollarama approach and remember that we're the ninth-largest economy on the planet. If you look at what Australia is doing in the meantime, they're the fifteenth-largest economy on the planet. The Canadian economy is 30% larger than the Australian economy, and we go around telling ourselves we can't afford to get this equipment and be out there in the world.
The reality is that if the Australians can afford it, so can we. It's just a question of political will and consensus building amongst parties, and using the podium. I'm speaking to politicians here. We can't just go to the electorate as though they are focus groups and deliver whatever they want.
Full disclosure: I'm a professor of political philosophy and war theory, not an expert on costing or ITBs. However, I remember teaching courses on Plato and classical political theorists. One thing that keeps coming up is the role that politicians have in being the educators of society, being able to go to the electorate to educate them on needs and requirements, so that they get informed and together we build a national consensus on Canada's role in the world.
:
Thank you both for being here. I really appreciate it.
We've seen what's happening with climate emergencies right now in Canada. We saw obviously the hurricane on the east coast and forest fires in B.C. last year, where there were hundreds of military personnel and equipment deployed to British Columbia, and the flooding here in Ottawa. Right now, there are smoky skies still in B.C. People can barely breathe. I think we've had two millimetres of rain where I live, and normally we've had a few hundred millimetres of rain by now in the same period of time from August to October.
The military is going to be called upon more and more for climate emergencies, and firefighting is going to be a big part of that component. I have Coulson Aviation in my riding. They do a lot of firefighting around the world, in Australia, Argentina, the United States, you name it. They're one of the largest global aerial firefighting companies, especially night firefighting, in the world.
Mr. Cormier, could you speak a little bit about the need for extreme weather considerations when it comes to the design of our military equipment? Maybe you could give us some thoughts on.... You know where I'm going with this.
:
It's a tough question. It's one of the key things that we hear from the chief of the defence staff right now when he takes these matters to the public.
The Canadian Armed Forces is a limited instrument. As you keep pulling back on domestic security issues and domestic operations, you don't necessarily have the capacity to do external work with our allies. It's a very tough balancing act. There is a variety of ways forward. There are talks of creating a civilian force or using the reserve force in a way that's a little bit different from the regular forces for domestic operations.
We usually talk of the whole of government when we look at all of Ottawa. We call that whole of government. I want to take it to the next level. We need whole of government pan-Canada style where we go in and bring the provinces and the mayors to have this conversation on how we create a much more resilient Canada so when Fiona hits, you don't have someone going out there saying they need a thousand troops without necessarily explaining what exactly those troops are going to be used for. It's more of a political message to make a demand for a thousand troops without having a list of requirements of what's that going to look like on the ground.
What we need is a local capacity. We need to pay for it. We need to find ways to transition resources from the federal and provincial levels to the cities so they can build infrastructure that is resilient and have local capacity. Funding groups...whether it's the Red Cross, or St. John Ambulance, or Team Rubicon, there are lot of organizations that can do much more work on these matters and help take a bit of the pressure off the Canadian Armed Forces. That's one way to look at it.
I hope that answers a little bit of your question.
My colleague, Mrs. Block, indicated that she had been on this committee previously. This is my first time on this committee, but I feel as though this subject has been around since the first Top Gun movie.
As a former diplomat, I have a lot of interest in your comments and responses to my colleague, Mrs. Block. I wanted to expand upon them a little further. You said, “The F‑35 cannot come soon enough, as the war in Ukraine has demonstrated the dangers of hypersonic weapons and suicide drones.”
Perhaps you can explain to the committee what we have been deprived of in terms of capability by not currently having the F‑35 and therefore not having this technology and the comparative capability to share with other nations to defend democracy versus Russia or China.
What have we been deprived of and what could we have contributed had we had this capability?
I'm afraid that's time, Mr. Johns.
Mr. Pogue and Mr. Cormier, thank you for joining us today.
Again, if there's anything you wish to share, please send it to the clerk. I think there were issues.... Mr. Cormier, you were going to get back to us on suggestions for the F-35 procurement, but I'd certainly be very interested, as well, in your thoughts on—you touched on it—de-risking or creating a culture that is less risk averse...in our procurement. I'd certainly love to see that, as well.
Again, gentlemen, thanks for being with us.
We are suspending for about 10 minutes, in order to set up our next witnesses.
Thank you.
:
We are back in session.
Welcome, witnesses, to part two of meeting number 35 of government operations and estimates—as I call it, the mighty OGGO.
We'll have several witnesses today. We're going to go from 12 to about 12:45. Then we're going to stay public, and we're going to discuss the schedule going forward.
We have witnesses today from the the Professional Institute of the Public Service of Canada. We have Jennifer Carr, president; and Eva Henshaw, vice-president. From the Public Service Alliance of Canada, we have Michele Girash, national political action officer; Liam McCarthy, director, negotiations and programs branch; and Howie West.
We're going to start with a five-minute opening from Mr. McCarthy.
We are short of time, so I ask that you do keep it close to five minutes or less than five minutes but not longer.
Thank you. Go ahead, Mr. McCarthy.
Then we will hear from Jennifer Carr.
:
I'll do my best. There's a lot to say on this important topic.
I thank you very much for the opportunity to address the committee.
The PSAC is the largest union in the federal public service, representing over 230,000 workers, the majority of whom are in the federal public service.
Let me begin by saying that the strategic policy review announced in the last budget must include unions to determine how best to provide public services and not waste or offload the responsibilities to the private sector.
There's been an ideological drive towards contracting out that is not evidence-based nor in the best interest of Canadians. As an example of it not being in the best interest of Canadians, in late 2020, PSAC published a report showing that contracting out of cleaning services at DND can cost 35% more. DND spending on those contracts alone was $68 million more than if it had done the work in-house. We know it is only a sample of what is really going on across all departments and agencies.
The procurement process to contract out work favours corporate secrecy over the rights of Canadians to know how funds are spent and how services are managed. During our examination of the privatization of public sector work, we have submitted dozens of ATIP requests for documents that we know exist, but with limited success. This lack of transparency shows the government values its relationships with large corporations over the public's right to know.
It's also important to point out that the Public Service Employment Act and the Employment Equity Act exist to make sure that the public service is representative of the population it serves, and contracting out undermines those very important efforts. Jobs that are contracted out are more precarious than jobs in the public sector, and the human resources committee's all-party report on precarious work was tabled in the House in 2019. It called on the government to review human resources policies and budgeting practices to ensure that they are incentivizing hiring employees on indeterminate contracts. It's time for the government to heed its committee's advice on that front.
Across the departments and agencies, we see a wrong-headed preference to offload management and human resource responsibilities, and that has contributed to this problem. I will run through a couple of examples of some of the problems associated with contracting out.
Veterans Affairs Canada has a $570-million contract for rehabilitation services that will transfer the work of case managers to a profit-making corporation that was established just to obtain the contract. Their priority is to make money and not to serve veterans. Services to veterans and their families will suffer, and the role of case managers, the key to supporting veterans trying to navigate the system, will be undermined and reduced. We are already seeing concerns about veterans' personal information being shared with private contractors without their consent.
Canadians who call 1-800-O-Canada looking for help with important life situations such as unemployment, sickness, maternity and parental leave benefits are unlikely to know that they aren't speaking to a Government of Canada employee. They're talking to a precarious worker, paid a low wage with no benefits, no job security and no real connection to the very department the caller is seeking help and information from.
At CFB Comox, new buildings were recently added to the base's infrastructure without appropriate attention being paid to staffing and facility needs. The added work made it impossible for the existing staff complement to meet the maintenance needs, so now the base has contracted out that work to the private sector instead of staffing up to meet those requirements.
Another example is the requirement of the government's ability to fulfill access to information requests, and those requests are quite extensive. In our very submission to the review of ATIP legislation last year, we were able to show that understaffing and contracting out the work of ATIP officers has resulted in unacceptable time lags and inconsistencies.
Also, to give one more example, one would expect that customs and immigration duties at Canada's airports would be performed by CBSA employees, yet at Pearson airport, as an example, many security and service-oriented duties such as escorting travellers, answering phones and monitoring the needs of clients are now contracted out to GardaWorld.
What we're recommending is the following:
The government's default premise should be public sector delivery instead of contracting out. Commitments should be further reflected in the public sector collective agreements that we're currently negotiating. The government needs better metrics, including tracking contracting out and use of temporary agencies. The government should audit all current contracts and require justification and business cases for all use of contractors and temporary agencies.
There need to be staffing envelopes in every program so that they have the proper—
I'm sorry. Is that my time?
As noted, my name is Jennifer Carr. I am the president of the Professional Institute of the Public Service of Canada. I am accompanied by vice-president Eva Henshaw. The institute represents over 65,000 public service professionals. Most of our members work for the federal public government.
Years of unchecked spending by government departments on contracting out has created a shadow public service of consultants and temporary staff operating alongside the government workforce. Contracting out means higher costs and lower quality of services for Canadians. There's less transparency, less accountability and a loss of institutional knowledge. When work is outsourced, the related skills and expertise leave the public service when the contract ends. The real cost of contracting out is way too high. We have wasted money. We have poor hiring practices. We erode the capacity and we create safety concerns.
The government, according to a Carleton University research project, spent an estimated $15 billion in the last fiscal year on contracts across the core public service departments and agencies. Our members, especially the 20,000 IT professionals, are calling out the government for its overreliance on contracting out. The institute has filed over 2,500 grievances concerning work that was outsourced rather than being assigned to already existing expertise inside the government. We have to ask why.
From our research, between 2011 and 2021 the federal government outsourced over $21 billion in IT work to IT consultants, management consultants and temporary help contractors. Spending on outsourced personnel increased from $1 billion in 2011 to nearly $2.2 billion in 2018, an increase of more than 113%.
Hiring contractors skirts all internal hiring practices and the goals of the government, including those regarding regional development, bilingualism, and equality and equity. Canadians cannot afford any more failed outsourced IT projects. We have only to look at the disastrous Phoenix pay system as a glaring example.
From our research, in the last fiscal year, we saw $2.3 billion spent on information technology service contracts, while at the same time the government spent $1.85 million on its own IT workforce. The bottom line is that it spends more on contracts than it does on public servants that deliver vital IT services. I want to share with you two clear examples of how this breaks down, how a contractor costs more than hiring a federal public service member does.
At the Department of National Defence they hired one IT architect. The cost was $360,000 per year. This contract was repeated for over eight years. The equivalent public service salary, including pension costs of 17%, would be $148,000 a year. The difference is $1.5 million, for just this one resource alone.
At Shared Services Canada, three IT resources for a contract of five years cost $14.1 million. This contract was tendered and posted for another four years. This would be an equivalent of three public servants, with pension costs of 17% calculated already of $1.85 million. The difference for this contract to the public purse was over $12 million.
IT is not the only profession that is seeing high numbers of costly contracting services. The federal government spent $2.1 billion on contracted out health services. With retention and recruitment being an ongoing issue, the federal government has been using contracting out to private nurse employment agencies as a band-aid solution for years. They're parachuting in nursing staff on a temporary basis to look after patients in remote and isolated first nations communities, which is one role for federal public servants, without offering them the consistency or quality of care they deserve.
There is no doubt that it would be far more cost-effective if we invested in a fully funded, permanent public sector solution. This opens the door to outright privatization in what should be publicly delivered health care for first nations communities. We urgently need plans that meet the needs of the Canadian northern population and give health care workers who care for these populations the support and resources they need to do their jobs.
Our call to action is that each one of us has a stake in the fight against outsourcing. This is about fairness. It's about giving Canadians reliable services and stopping the waste on outsourced projects like Phoenix. We need to modernize our hiring policies to create efficient timelines for hiring—
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
Thank you very much to all of the witnesses for being here today.
I checked National Newswatch this morning, as I do every morning at 6 a.m., and the top story was “Ottawa's pandemic hiring boom adds billions to federal payroll”. Specifically, it mentioned there was a 12% increase in federal employment in two years—35,000 new jobs over the last two years. That's over 5% a year, which outpaces the private sector as well as the economy.
When we look at where those jobs were added, ESDC, which is “responsible for passport processing and Service Canada offices, added 8,500 positions. Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada, which has been dealing with the crises in Afghanistan and Ukraine—along with a huge backlog of visa applications—hired 1,750 people.” We have these incredible expenditures and additional employees.
The CBC article also states that in emailed statements, “PHAC and ESDC both said that more than half of their new hires were non-permanent positions, while the CRA noted that its workforce rises and falls with the tax season.”
Based on the dismal numbers we received this morning on extreme expenditure yet poor delivery of services to Canadians, how should we be using—or not using, in this case—outsourcing to better deliver value for money for Canadians?
I'll start with Madam Carr.
Could you please respond to that?
:
Thank you for that, Madam Carr.
Previously, in another life as a consular officer, I completed that passport training myself, so I know how rigorous it is.
What I think you're referring to, Madam Carr, is another quote from the former parliamentary budget officer. I'm going to read that here. It is very much in alignment with some of the comments you have made here today. Perhaps you can support this quote and even provide more information around it. It goes back to your comments about the band-aids.
This quote from him was incredibly alarming. Former parliamentary budget officer Kevin Page said, “There is no strategic human resource plan you know for the Government of Canada. There's no evidence whether or not we've made really good hiring decisions with the significant increase in the complement of the public service.”
There is no human resource plan, Madam Carr. It's unbelievable to me that, after seven years in government, this government has not determined how to effectively determine the human resource organizational structure of a single department, never mind all the shortfalls we're seeing.
Can you comment on this quote, please? Perhaps you could expand upon your statement in your opener about the necessity to stop with the band-aids to get value for money for Canadians through better organization, structuring and planning in our federal government.
:
Thank you, Liam. Thank you, Mr. Chair and Madam Thompson.
The problem is quite straightforward, really. There are lots of constraints around how contracting is done, but as you realized from your session last week with departmental heads, there are absolutely no constraints around the decision to make or buy. That's a long-lasting practice.
Because there are no constraints around that decision, people tend to buy more than make. There are internal rewards for that practice in terms of taxes, if you overextend your salary-wage envelope. Not only does that have a financial impact on a department manager who is thinking about something that needs to be done, but it also has a psychological impact. If you know that the organization is taxing you if you hire as opposed to contract, then you tend to do what the organization tends to want.
There is a systemic failure there, and that's been brewing for about 20 or 30 years, since new public management came in. It's an ideological problem.
I will do so in English, because my notes are in English.
[English]
I was close to the end, but I'll just say that one of the main things is to make sure there are staffing envelopes for new programs so that they have the proper capacity to deliver the services effectively when they are launched without having to resort to contracting out. Also, access to information legislation should be revised to require transparency in all of our contracts, including disclosure of wages and benefits for workers, profits, equipment, supply costs and so on.
In short, what we are looking for is a change in approach, as I've discussed, around culture, enhanced transparency and accountability on government contracts. Doing so reduces the significant risks that the public faces associated with contracting out.
:
Thank you for the question.
I assume you're referring to our report, “In the interest of safety and security”, which is our analysis of contracting out at DND. In that report, we did not look specifically at a gender difference in those contracts.
I can tell you that most of the contracts we looked at are contracts for cleaning services, facility maintenance services or kitchen services. In fact, those contracts pay workers significantly less, even though they cost the government, on average, 35% more. We know that the government, by contracting out, is incentivizing precarious work for workers who are already marginalized. Bringing that work in-house will ensure that those workers have the protections of things like the Employment Equity Act, which they don't always have when they're contracted out.
The federal contractors program under the Employment Equity Act only applies to those contracts over $1 million. We could have scores and scores of $500,000 contracts out there that don't apply to the Employment Equity Act.
We think it's imperative, in order to further gender equity issues, to bring that work back in-house, so that the federal government can provide a fair and decent workplace for all workers on its work sites.
:
That's a two-point question.
Given that the human resources committee of this House studied precarious work, and one of the recommendations in the report on precarious work was that the government work to bring temporary help agency work back into the public service and that it incentivize permanent and indeterminate hiring, I absolutely think there's an awareness. That was a unanimous committee report, without dissent, so I think it's aware.
To the second part of your question as to whether it uses that awareness in its hiring, I don't think the evidence shows us that it does or it wouldn't be contracting out at the rate that it is. We have to be clear that a lot of this work is lower paid, especially for something like cleaning.
I can give you an example. At CFB Greenwood in 2018, they were trying to contract out the cleaners. We saw job postings for the new jobs that were at minimum wage, and our members told us, “You know what? I don't get rich cleaning base Greenwood, but I can put my kids through hockey. I'm going to have to leave Greenwood and move to Halifax, because I won't be able to afford to stay here.”
I think any manager knows what's happening when they contract out and that, even if the same workers are hired back in a situation like Greenwood or something like that, they're going to make less money.
:
Thank you for your question.
I must say that we are in a different situation, because we represent the professional groups.
I want to talk about some of the things in staffing and recruiting, especially for northern nurses. The fact is, they watch agency nurses who come in and have flexibility in their workload, in where they work and how they go to work. They're paid almost three times as much as our public servants, and they get a sense of work-life balance.
They don't have to deal with Phoenix issues. They are paid every two weeks and they're not waiting six months for their overtime cheque to arrive. They're not fighting with their employer in terms of getting the respect they need.
Agencies are allowed to give huge bonuses for working on days such as Christmas or during the pandemic. Our workers on the front line received zero pandemic pay.
That's why we're having some issues in terms of retention and recruitment. Our nurses are burning out and walking over to agencies, getting paid better and having a work-life balance.
In terms of why we're at the point we are, again, it's because staffing budgets have not increased. That makes it harder to hire people. We're doing more with less, and we're being told that we can't hire because the salary envelopes haven't been increased.
Again, when we talk about IT professionals, we are not keeping on pace with our agencies, especially in the core public service, so a disparity in pay would make somebody leave one department to go to another that is paying more.
These are just some of the highlights that we need to fix at the bargaining table, but we also have to realize that the impact of the government's inability to pay people properly and on time is making a huge recruitment and retention issue for the federal public service.
:
Four more minutes? That's great.
If you look at the tenders for ATIP officer temporary help agency work, you will see tenders for two, three and four years. This is not temporary help agency work. This is work that indicates that the staffing envelope for that work or the staffing in place for those departments is not sufficient to meet demand.
Yet our members also tell us that they could, as Ms. Carr has said, make more money in the private sector, and if they went to the private sector, they could also pick and choose the files they work on, so they wouldn't have the difficult files that an ATIP officer often has to work on.
We're ending up with mixed workplaces, with public sector workers and temp agency workers working side by side. We're ending up with inefficient processes for access to information processing, and we're ending up with pay discrepancies. None of this is serving the public or serving what that legislation is meant to do.
:
Frankly, it stems from the culture I spoke to earlier of preferring contracting out. The real challenge at the bargaining table is that you have contracting out problems at both ends.
At one end, for example, our cleaners would make a bit more nominally, but when you contract it out, they're having to pay for the profit margin, and then they find all of the problems that are associated with contractors who want to deliver as little as possible for as much as possible. There's not always an agreement as to what the contract said, so there's a lot of expensive work that goes with that.
At the other end, as Jennifer was saying, there are many discrepancies that Treasury Board hasn't been amenable to, where it has to contract out, because, for example, we can't hire power engineers for many of the plants at military bases, so it ends up contracting out for much more. The answer is, clearly, to make sure that at a minimum, these jobs reflect market realities, and we bring that kind of data to the table.
It shouldn't be a problem in the first place. We should, as a large employer with a lot of capacity, be able to deliver these kinds of things effectively and internally.
:
That's no problem. Thank you, Mr. Chair.
Thank you to all of the witnesses.
I could follow up on the same theme around the public service's staffing process taking too long and our ability to hire the talent that we need in a relatively short period. In previous testimonies in previous committees, when we heard about the length of time it takes to hire internal staff, it was anywhere from six months to almost a year to get through the process to get the right talent. With the advance of technology, especially in IT and how fast it's evolving, I'm not sure whether the experience you had six months or a year ago that went into the application might be as relevant.
I'd like to hear from both of you. I'll start with Madam Carr.
What do you think about reform? What type of reform in the hiring process do we need to look at? What other reform can we put into the types of IT outsourcing that we're looking at?
If each one of the panellists could cover at least about a minute and a half on it, then it will be my four minutes.
Thank you.
:
Thank you so much, Mr. Chair.
I just wanted to touch on the issue of our witnesses for ArriveCAN.
We've invited members of the four different departments to come. My understanding, and perhaps it was erroneous, was that we asked for production of documents. As an attorney, for my entire career, you would get the documents you would ask for in discovery and prepare for your cross-examination or examination of a witness based on the documents, so you could be as knowledgeable as the people who are coming in to testify.
I don't really understand the purpose of having the departments before we get the documents. My understanding, Mr. Chair, and perhaps the clerk can correct me if I'm wrong, is that we gave 10 working days to the department last Monday, which would bring them up to next Monday or Tuesday, I think.
Could we postpone the—
Mr. Housefather's points are well taken. I was not a party to the discussions last Monday. That's fine.
I don't know what the direction is with respect to Thursday's notice of meeting and the witnesses who have been invited. I am very curious on the date that document production is owed.
Seeing how there was an agreement in principal, I understand from conversations with members from all parties this morning that ministers would not be coming until we had the documents.
In that same good faith interest, instead of moving motions to invite ministers or invite them for a specific day, I would just ask you, Mr. Chair, to canvass the room to see if there is an agreement in principal that once we have received those documents in both official languages, following that and in preparation for that, the clerk could invite ministers to appear. Could an invitation go to ministers today saying that the committee is going to receive documents and, in anticipation of receipt of those, the committee would like them to appear?
As much as I would love them to come next Thursday or next Monday, that's not my experience. My expectation or my belief would be that they would come when it suits their schedule based on this committee's scheduled meetings. That would likely be the week following our November week break.
In the spirit of collaboration, could we get that agreement in principle without a motion being passed?
:
Sure. Certainly, I will canvass the room.
Very quickly though, for next Thursday, it was my direction that we had no witnesses planned for any of our ongoing studies. Unfortunately, with switchover of chairs and not having had a planning committee, we had nothing.
Just because of the scramble from the emergency meeting we had, the witnesses weren't available for the first period. My assumption was they were therefore aware they would be called very shortly. I saw that we had no witness set up for Thursday. They were ready because they were kind of put on notice, so I decided to put them in for next Thursday.
Otherwise, we would have had nothing planned for Thursday. We would have wasted a day. That was my decision to do that. That was why.
Is there a desire for Mr. Barrett's suggestion?
:
First of all, Chair, I don't believe the Standing Orders allow for a vote to be put at committee while there are still speakers who are seeking the floor. I would implore you to check that as well.
We have a situation now where there was an understanding that the committee would not hear from ministers until documents were received. My understanding is that this is what's unfolding. There was a motion put forward a week ago today that prescribed that ministers be called. Now, that was not the motion that was passed. The motion was amended. There were to be two meetings, with more meetings as required.
We had a half-meeting where we heard from GC Strategies. We heard from GC Strategies on the same panel that we heard from the union who represents our CBSA officers. Hearing from GC Strategies without having seen the documents is as problematic as hearing from anyone else. It would always be great to have that information, but I also think we're in a situation now where we're going to have to read it once and check it twice, hearing from the officials about what their role was, what the process was that unfolded in the awarding of contracts for this app, why government services weren't used, and why in-house IT wasn't used; and then, taking a look at the documents, determining whether we need different officials. Do we need those same officials to return?
Frankly, the information that we're operating on was given to us by the government. It was signed by a parliamentary secretary. Some of it was wrong. It's not outside of reason that we're going to need to hear from some people twice. The need for multiple document sets has evidenced itself. Seeing the documents that private companies have as well as the documents that the government used—that's going to prove to be important. Solely relying on what's being tabled is not sufficient. It's thanks to public reporting, in this case in the Globe and Mail, that we found out that a million-plus dollars to one company didn't actually happen.
There's a lot of work to do here. I think the further we push this off, it will turn this into a process that will stretch into the new year. We're going to run out of runway unless this is the sole issue that this committee wants to devote its attention to between now and Christmas, and I don't see a will for that. Getting some of this done, getting some of that work done, I think is important. If these witnesses have been invited....
Mr. Kusmierczyk said I was “railroading” them. I had no idea witnesses were coming this Thursday—none. I'm not railroading anyone. I want to talk to officials. I want ministers. But I understood that there was a conversation, a sidebar, where folks said that's not the spirit of what we discussed last Monday, when you weren't here. Okay—so I put forward an informal proposal that we invite ministers. Frankly, those ministers can say no.
We're not doing any planning. If we're just running meeting to meeting, now we're pushing off the witnesses who we know we're going to have so that we can have a meeting to talk about inviting those witnesses. That doesn't seem like it's going to be a very good use of time. We're going to end up at the November break week. Then we're going to be into the last five weeks before the end of this year.
I just don't see us getting through this, Mr. Chair.
:
I want to be very clear: there is no question of putting this study off indefinitely, of postponing it indefinitely. We all want to get to the bottom of this.
On the other hand, I don't see how it's effective to invite witnesses and look at the documentation if we end up saying that we didn't get the right people to testify or that we need to ask them more questions after discovering other information in the documents provided.
I remind you that our salary and that of the technicians, as well as the committee rooms, are paid for through taxes and taxpayers' money. Taxpayers are already struggling to make ends meet.
I am talking about effectiveness and efficiency.
We have a number of people on this committee, and we can analyze the documents from all angles. Afterwards, we may decide to invite a particular witness to answer our questions. We will ask them specific and sensitive questions, which will help us get to the bottom of this.
If it turns out that these questions need to be put to senior departmental officials or others, that's fine, but it needs to be done in an efficient and cost-effective manner. That's the whole point of it. It's been said that the ArriveCAN application was expensive and didn't work as well as it should have. Finally, we are inviting people to testify, but we don't know exactly what questions to ask them. Once we receive the documents, we say to ourselves that we didn't ask the right questions and that we have to start the process over. At this point, we are the ones who are costing a lot for nothing. What I want is for us to be efficient. We need to get things moving.
If we want to hear from ministers, we will invite them to testify. If we have to invite half the public service, we'll invite all of them to testify.
In my view, we cannot be fully effective if we do not have access to the documents before we put questions to public servants. “Efficiency” and “cost effectiveness” are the key words.
On Thursday, we should not hear from witnesses. As I suggested earlier, we could use that time to properly plan the meetings and to come up with a plan B.
It is not always possible to hear from witnesses on the date we want, but we could have a plan B. Talking to each other is how we'll be able to come up with that plan. We will receive the documents on Monday, October 31. On the following Thursday, we could meet with officials, ministers, or anyone else we find relevant to our study.
In my opinion, that would be more logical, more efficient and more cost-effective.
Madam Vignola eloquently stated it—more eloquently than any of us could in this situation.
I've been on the committee now for three years. What really sets this committee apart is our emphasis on logic and precision. Madam Vignola mentioned those words in her statement as well.
Again, I think there was a consensus when we were talking earlier that it didn't make sense, didn't make any logic, for us to call witnesses before we have all of the evidence that is required—the written evidence. It just makes logical sense to wait until we have that information.
My comment about railroading was basically, from what we heard from members of different parties around this table, that it didn't make sense to call witnesses on Thursday. Then, under the pretense of time running out for this meeting, all of a sudden we hear that we're going to bring witnesses before we bring the written evidence. That's what I was trying to flag too.
Again, let's be logical. Let's be precise. It makes sense that we get the evidence first, before we call the witnesses. When we get the evidence and hear the witnesses, of course, it makes logical sense, if required, to call ministers—the appropriate ministers—to testify.
:
Mr. Chair, I can appreciate that there have been a lot of moving parts, certainly, with a change in membership on this committee, a change in chair and trying to make sure that we have a calendar with meaningful work to do.
Having been a member of Parliament for 14 years, and after sitting on many different committees and undertaking many studies, I find it passing strange that we would expect any public servants to come here with all of the documentation to speak to a study, which we suggested we would like to undertake, without knowing which direction we want to go in.
In my experience, when a committee determines that they want to undertake a study, they start with the public officials. They start with the departmental officials to get an understanding of the issue, to get the background and to understand what has transpired to date. We won't even know who all of the public officials are that we would want to hear from until we have that background.
I think that is truly the spirit in which we recommended that we start with public officials: to get that background to start the study. We will know from there which direction we need to go in and who else we would like to hear from, and then we can zero in on which other officials we may need to call.
I truly believe that is the spirit in which we believed we were inviting the departmental officials to appear first.
:
Mr. Chair, in terms of the points my colleague Mr. Barrett made about having officials appear, we see how it always does provide us with new information—which I think Canadians need—in an effort to really bring this to light. I don't think we can lose sight of that.
To Mr. Johns' point, I recognize that there are a lot of studies on the books, but I also think it's very prudent of us to always consider those matters that are of the greatest urgency for Canadians. I think that in this case we definitely have a situation where we see evidence—the documents we have, not even necessarily that we have received, but which the media have received and uncovered—brought to light not only for this group but also for other Canadians, perhaps not as clear evidence, but as a great indicator that there might be more we can obtain in having these ministers and other witnesses come here in an effort to shed some light on this. I think we really have to consider that.
I think it's very important that we all take some time in this room to reflect upon what Canadians, our voters, would actually think if we were seen to be complicit in not bringing this information to light as soon as possible. I certainly wouldn't want my citizens thinking that I'm an accomplice to further information being covered up, but rather, being a party to shedding as much information as possible, as soon as possible, on an issue that on a daily basis continues to be reported on since breaking.
I apologize if this was found offensive, but, frankly, it's a risk everyone around this table runs in not agreeing to resolve this as soon as possible.
My goodness, it will be six years in the spring that I've been honoured to be the representative for Calgary Midnapore. I certainly have found many meetings and many forums objectionable in addition to not only the items that have been discussed but the manner in which they've been brought forward and—perhaps even to use my colleague's term—railroaded through other committees I've been on.
Again, I think we just need to really consider that not having those witnesses here as soon as possible really reflects on not only the work of this committee but our work as parliamentarians and, I would say, this House as well.
We are brought here in good faith by our constituents to discuss the most pressing issues and matters, and as I've said, as is evidenced by the information that has been uncovered about ArriveCAN in addition to other issues that, again, my colleague Michael Barrett has brought up, we have recognized the necessity of having these important conversations and meetings to reveal as much as possible as soon as possible.
I for one definitely would like to get to the bottom of this as soon as possible. As is evidenced even by the studies we completed today and the witnesses we had here today, these matters can drag on for, my goodness, years, approaching on decades, I think, if we look to the procurement study we had in the first hour.
We cannot make light of this, that it is possible that we do not put the things that are most important first. As such, I would ask that we really consider that this is a priority for us to get to the bottom of as soon as possible and to continue to call upon these witnesses and uncover more information.
In fact, the government should also take a footnote from one of their departments, because, as I said, there are studies coming out on a regular basis.
I see now that the border agency is reviewing the list after the wrong firm was linked to the app. In fact, we see now that it wasn't just one firm. In fact, there are three firms at this point—hard to believe—but we had ThinkOn, then ENY and then Maplesoft, but then it turned out to be the wrong Maplesoft.
My point, Mr. Chair, is that it should also serve as an indicator that there are people in the government who take this very seriously and recognize that more work and more steps have to be done. I think it's just something we absolutely have to pay attention to when even this agency is recognizing that this is something important.
I'm very fortunate to have the opportunity to follow the news. I don't know Huey, but I do know the news. I have here two owners of the IT firm that we had as witnesses. I see this was also a story, the making up to potentially $2.7 million for hiring the team that helped build ArriveCAN, as reported in the National Post. This is just another example of information that was revealed to this committee as a result of having witnesses.
Again, I'm looking here now at one by Bill Curry of The Globe and Mail. There was another. Was that a CBC article? At least two of the major news houses in the nation think this is of utmost importance for us to be dealing with. I don't think we should take this lightly.
In fact, I'm very interested to see the documents that we will be receiving as to the other third parties who were contracted, or were they? I think that is what we've learned from the research that we've seen so far in the media as to who they were, the amounts that existed and whether they were in fact contracted.
This actually reminds me of when I ran the budget at missions around the world. It was always a three-part test. You had to sign off in three places: first when the order was placed, another when the goods were delivered, and finally when the goods were received. It was a three-part process for the delivery of procurement. These were at single missions around the world, not entire departments or entire projects, but rather at my own mission in El Salvador, for example, where I had to complete this three-step process.
I can say with pride that if you were to look back on the documents of my time in those roles, you would see that we followed these procurement processes to the letter, because we recognized that it was important to do so at the time. This is really another example, when I think back to the importance of demonstrating to the public that we have followed the procedure and that the government has followed the procedure and received value for money. It's something that unfortunately doesn't seem to be resonating with this committee here today.
To talk further about it, I think about.... Sometimes I don't think we've always had success when we've had ministers come to committees in getting the answers that we had hoped for. Other times, maybe we have had success. I would use the examples of our two guests from GC Strategies as the kind of experience where we did find out new information from witnesses who were here. Again, I don't think that we can lose sight of it.
It's interesting. Even as I was going through my own questioning process to the employees from GC Strategies, I was actually having to refresh the procurement process in my mind because I was asking about whether the contract that they themselves received was a sole proprietor contract, with the unique distinction that it was a natural emergency given the pandemic. I do personally accept that rationale, but then, as a sole contractor, when they subcontract, what is the stringency of procurement rules that they must follow? Are they required to do an open RFP or RFQ, or go through a multi-vendor process in an effort to determine the subcontracts?
Do you know what? I think we're going to find out some of that as we continue this ArriveCAN process. That's something that is super fascinating to me, in fact, in this new role as shadow minister for the Treasury Board. Somewhere in my boxes in my basement, I do still have all of my instruction manuals for the position that I held of the management consular officer at the different missions. I would like to go through that and actually refresh my mind of the procurement so that when I come here I can certainly hold these ministers and this witness to the same standards that I was held to as the manager of different missions abroad.
I'm reflecting upon that time and the responsibility that I had as a proud public servant for, my goodness, close to 15 years. I took the responsibility of the public spending very seriously—
I think it is relevant. I'm talking about how I, as a public servant, was held to the very high standard of value for money and demonstrating where the money I spent as a public official was actually spent.
I think that's all that we're asking for in this study and
[Translation]
as soon as possible.
[English]
I want to go back to another point that Mr. Barrett made, and that was about how difficult it is to land officials. They have very demanding schedules. I think it's very important that we consider how hard it is for them to accommodate our schedules.
In addition, it was just brought to my attention by my colleague here about when this committee, before my time, did a study on the Governor General. At that time, apparently they had officials here before the documents, so apparently there is a precedent for where this has occurred before. This would not, in fact, be the first time. Yes, there is a first time for everything, but this would not be the first time—definitely not.
That's actually a very good point about the Governor General, if we think about the things that were uncovered even on the Governor General's spending. I certainly have a lot of respect for the office of the Governor General. As a former diplomat, I take great care in terms of hospitality, and the necessity to demonstrate good hospitality as Canadians, both home and abroad. Of course, that study indicated that as much as we want to display goodwill and hospitality to others, certainly even that has its limits. I definitely think that we learned in that case.
Of course, we do not want to be penny-wise and pound foolish. Again, I think when we look at some of the expenses, a lot came to light even with that study.
My point, getting back to this, is that was another study where we were able to bring to light for Canadians just—