:
Good afternoon. I call this meeting to order.
Welcome to meeting number 98 of the House of Commons Standing Committee on Government Operations and Estimates, also known as the mighty OGGO or the only committee that matters.
Pursuant to Standing Order 108(2) and the motion adopted by the committee on Monday, October 17, 2022, the committee is meeting on the study of the ArriveCAN application.
I would remind those here in person to not put their earpieces next to the microphone, as it causes feedback and potential injury to our very valued interpreters.
We have two witnesses today.
Welcome back, Ms. O’Gorman and Mr. Ossowski. I understand you both have opening statements.
We'll start with you, Ms. O’Gorman, for five minutes, please.
[Translation]
When I appeared before the committee in October, I talked about the internal investigation that I initiated following receipt of allegations of misconduct and the referral made to the RCMP.
[English]
On December 19, I received a preliminary statement of fact from the internal CBSA investigation. A preliminary statement of fact is not a conclusion and does not reflect all of the information, including from respondents; it's relevant documentary evidence collected to date in the course of an investigation.
As laid out in my correspondence to you, these packages contained documents that fit the parameters of material that you requested in October. As such, they were translated and provided to you.
The emails that you were provided are also relevant to testimony you received in previous meetings. Specifically, they show that the Botler chatbot was not the result of an unsolicited proposal and that there was a pattern of persistent collaboration between certain officials and GC Strategies. They show efforts to circumvent or ignore established procurement processes and roles and responsibilities.
I need to say at this point that the investigation remains ongoing. Ideally, it will be further informed by information and interviews from key individuals who have been requested to speak to the investigators. I am trying to balance my knowledge of information that you have been seeking against the integrity of the investigation or, in other words, I am trying to respect both due process and Parliament.
Public servants and the employees of the CBSA need to have confidence in our disciplinary processes and the internal investigations that support them. Parliamentarians should know if information that is provided to them is unsupported by facts.
[Translation]
The conclusion of our work internally will provide the clarity we need to formulate more comprehensive and further actions going forward, if necessary.
As I testified at my previous appearance, I have already implemented changes in how the agency manages and oversees procurement. Better controls and oversight have been put in place, including having those with procurement authority in headquarters retake their training, having a senior committee review every task authorization and centralizing procurement responsibilities within the organization. These controls will be calibrated over time and with a fuller understanding of what happened and why.
[English]
They will be informed by upcoming audits of the Auditor General and the procurement ombudsman. They will also be informed by the internal review that is ongoing with respect to contracts and documents associated with ArriveCAN.
I would like to assure you that my team is working full out to provide you as quickly as possible with the over 30,000 pages of information that you have requested from the CBSA in the course of your study.
[Translation]
We have provided six packages of translated records. Translation on the remaining material is ongoing. I will continue to send bilingual packages as they are completed.
[English]
In closing, while we still don’t know everything, what we know is not okay. I am concerned and I want to get to the bottom of it. I must emphasize how critical it is that the CBSA maintains the confidence of Canadians as we carry out our important mandate.
The situation should in no way dishonour the dedicated employees and frontline border service officers across the country and around the world serving Canadians day in, day out, with professionalism and integrity. I am focused on not letting that happen.
:
Thank you for the opportunity to appear today.
We are approaching four years since these events unfolded, so I'm relying on the best of my recollection, on what the agency has provided me, and on my review of the testimony from previous meetings.
I'd like to take this opportunity to clearly lay out the facts as I remember them. If the committee has other relevant information it wishes to share with me, I hope it will do so. I'd be happy to review it and get back to you.
I'm going to begin by reminding the committee of the exceptional circumstances we found ourselves in during March 2020. We were shutting down the largest unprotected border in the world while trying to ensure that critical supply chains remained functional for the essential trade of food, medicine, PPE, etc. We had repatriation flights for Canadians returning home, and we had to manage immigration issues with the United States. We had to manage fear and uncertainty in our own workforce while ensuring the integrity of our frontline operations. Coordinating this with our U.S. counterparts and supporting the government in this historic time were my priorities.
ArriveCAN helped us administer the pandemic border measures, but I relied on my officials to deal with the procurement details.
I will now turn to a few points made by Mr. MacDonald during his testimony regarding Deloitte and the vendor selection process.
With respect to comments he made about the CARM contract with Deloitte, I have reviewed my business records and offer the following context.
On March 14, I received an email from the senior partner at Deloitte offering to help in any way they could with our challenges during the pandemic. I immediately passed this along to several of my vice-presidents. The vice-president of the CARM project replied that while Deloitte had cleared people who knew our systems, they were already stretched on the CARM project. This is the best evidence of the true state of play with Deloitte—clearly not a penalty-box issue. I will emphasize that all of my business records clearly show a cordial and business-like relationship with Deloitte. All I can say is that we were all working with Deloitte to make sure that the CARM project was a success.
With respect to Mr. MacDonald's statement that VPs were told not to use Deloitte, I have no recollection of providing this direction. I asked a few members of my former executive team if they recalled this, and they don't. In fact, one of them said that they would have objected if I had said that, as Deloitte was working on other contracts within the agency at the time and there were no issues. My understanding is that Deloitte has continued to work with the agency. To be clear, a deputy minister has no authority to ban a firm unilaterally. No one was in the penalty box, and there's no evidence to support this.
I'll now focus on a few days following the request from the Public Health Agency that I received on March 22, 2020, to look into an app. I immediately forwarded this request to my CIO, Mr. Doan, as well as to my vice-president of the travellers branch. Four days later, on March 26, Mr. Doan shared simple mock-ups of what the application could look like with me and my executive vice-president.
The committee will have seen two relevant meetings in my calendar at this time. One was on March 26 at 10 a.m.; I had a teleconference with Mr. Doan and my executive vice-president where he showed us the mock-ups. At 10:43 a.m. that same day, I forwarded those simple mock-ups to the DM of health and to the president of the Public Health Agency. On March 27, we had another meeting to discuss issues raised by those same DMs. To be clear, at this point, no one could have envisioned how many versions and releases of the app there would be, nor its cost.
I have reviewed my business records during this time period, and I have not been able to find any emails from Mr. Doan or anyone else regarding the vendor selection options developed by Mr. MacDonald or Mr. Utano. The agency has confirmed this to me as well.
I have no recollection of being asked for my opinion on Deloitte or any other potential vendor as part of the ArriveCAN procurement. Speed was of the essence as airports were slowing down with the paper-based process and provinces were demanding better data. I was relying on my vice-presidents for their best advice on how to manage the situation.
While I haven't seen any of the documents involved, Mr. Doan's testimony states that he was provided a choice between a fully outsourced Deloitte solution or an option to augment our existing capabilities. Mr. Doan testified that, for a variety of reasons—such as using the CBSA cloud versus a private sector cloud, speed and agility—the staff augmentation was the preferred approach. This choice makes sense to me, especially considering the legal and privacy issues involved.
Given what I have stated, the choice appears to be a rational, business-based decision and has nothing to do with the CARM project. If the committee has different information in its possession, then I'd be happy to review it.
To this day, I remain exceptionally proud of how the CBSA responded to the pandemic, and I hope that these current matters don't diminish the efforts of the many thousands of CBSA employees who served Canada during this unprecedented event.
I'm happy to answer any questions.
Thank you to our witnesses for being here today.
Imagine this: You are a public servant. You are someone who has made the decision to help your country. I personally made this decision as a member of the Canadian foreign service. You swear that you will act in your best possible capacity for the best interests of this country.
Now imagine that the worst situation for your nation occurs since wartime—a pandemic—and you are forced to make the best possible decisions that you can in your position for your nation with the information that you have. You do your best. You navigate the system, but things go wrong. The application you were working on ends up being a $54-million boondoggle, a stain on the government, which is already neck deep in boondoggles. It's another instance of possibly unethical behaviour by this government, and certainly incompetent behaviour by this government, and a definite lack of oversight. You tried your best, because you were a public servant.
The stress of the investigation of this $54-million boondoggle gets to you, so you go on medical leave. You think things can't possibly get worse, but they do get worse. They got worse for Cameron MacDonald, who was a director general at CBSA, and Antonio Utano, who was an ADM at the Canada Border Services Agency. Things got worse for them after coming here and giving what they believed was truthful testimony, their heartfelt testimony, to speak truth to power, to speak truth to Canadians, when they were suspended. They were not only suspended; they were suspended without pay. For what reason? They claim that they were misled by senior CBSA officials, that they were intimidated, that this was retaliation, that this was an attempt to muzzle them and that this was CBSA's opportunity to use them as scapegoats. There were no allegations, no details and no evidence. What they did receive were threats that decisions would be made if they were not compliant.
Ms. O'Gorman, I'm here to ask you this today on behalf of Mr. MacDonald, Mr. Utano, public servants everywhere and Canadians: Why were Mr. MacDonald and Mr. Utano suspended without pay?
:
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
It is good to see everyone. Happy new year.
Thank you so much to our witnesses for coming back to the committee today. The last time, you were in the hot seat as well, and it was a bit of a difficult conversation. It seems we're off to a similar start today.
Mr. Ossowski, you mentioned the importance of highlighting just how much work—as well as Ms. O'Gorman—the CBSA does for Canadians in protecting our borders. I really think it's important for us to separate what's happening here from this important and integral work that we have, as well as, of course, what CBSA officers endured during the pandemic, very much on the front line, in dealing with a lot of the pent-up anger and hostilities, even from community members who were just dealing with the uncertainties of that time.
I want to thank you for everything you've done and for providing your testimony for this very important study. We all want to get to the bottom of what occurred. I very much appreciate your opening statements.
I'm going to take us through, step by step, how we got to this place. It is perhaps quite repetitive at this point because, again, this has been quite an ongoing saga.
Ms. O'Gorman, I'll begin with you. Can you confirm again for the committee, just for complete clarity, when the investigation into this matter was first launched, as far as your role as president is concerned?
In your opening statement, you mentioned some of the changes around procurement practices in the CBSA since you've become president. I'd ask you to further clarify some of those changes. You mentioned some really great ones. In particular, the senior oversight piece is really important, just to ensure that everybody has eyes on something, so hopefully we can avoid this in the future.
Could you provide further detail on some of those changes? Perhaps you could add clarity on whether these changes were instituted specifically because of what we're seeing right now around the ArriveCAN experience, or whether there were intentions to tighten things up around procurement ahead of that.
:
I'll just speak to the first part of your question.
Some of the changes—indeed, all contract task authorizations—come through a senior executive committee now to conduct a challenge function, and we've centralized all procurement into one branch. What I saw was a breakdown of roles and responsibilities. I saw engagements with contractors without seeing the presence of procurement officials. Procurement officials play an important role beyond signing documents.
Based on what I saw, I felt there was a breakdown and a lack of controls, and that's what I've put in place.
There will be more recommendations to come. We'll calibrate. Perhaps I'll be found to have overreacted and slowed things down, but right now, given what I've seen, that's what I've put in place. At the same time, I'm trying to use fewer contractors.
:
Thank you very much, both of you, for coming back here, and for the important work you do and have done for Canada.
I want to start with you, Ms. O'Gorman. I'll read from an email Cameron MacDonald sent to Minh Doan on November 19, 2019. Cameron says that Minh directed him to “look into a specific domain within HR using AI”. He says, “I found a company in Montreal and connected with GC Strategies, who sought options to move something forward”. That company was Botler AI.
So what we have here is a government official saying they clearly identified a solution, but they chose to bring in a middle person to profit off it first. We've seen the direct message that GC Strategies sent to Botler on LinkedIn. That's not professional headhunting that the government can't do itself. It really seems that GC Strategies was brought in as a middle person for no reason at all except to profit off a taxpayer-paid contract. Unless we see evidence to the contrary, that's what this shows.
Ms. O'Gorman, do you believe this is acceptable? With many more eyes on CBSA's procurements right now, have you found other cases of where this is happening? What is your plan to figure out whether this is happening in other cases?
:
I note your comment about unless other information comes to the fore.
With regard to your question, I don't agree that that was proper procurement. It was not an unsolicited proposal. The rules allow for prime contractors to subcontract and, as this committee has heard and asked about, to sub-subcontract. It's not for the CBSA or a department to try to manage and develop those subcontracts. Those are business decisions between entities in the course of a procurement. What I have seen, based on the documents that you're referring to, is that the CBSA's involvement in how those contracts would come together is not usual.
In looking at other options, the CBSA presumably could have put out an RFP for its requirements. It could have looked to justify a sole source. It could have used supply arrangements and pre-qualified. There were other options. It's not clear to me that what was happening was appropriate. In fact, it appears to be inappropriate. The spirit of the supply arrangements and standing offers is not to retrofit products through them.
Ms. O'Gorman, I find your responses to the questions put to you by my colleague Ms. Kusie—as to why both Mr. MacDonald, who was director general of the CBSA, and Mr. Antonio Utano, who was the vice-president of the CBSA, were suspended without pay—to be lacking in clarity. Clearly you know a lot more, and we're going to ask questions about that because Canadians deserve a full, frank answer as to why these senior civil servants have been treated in this fashion.
These are extremely unusual circumstances. Bill Curry from The Globe and Mail was able to speak with the former clerk of the Privy Council Office, Mr. Michael Wernick, who said that “public finger-pointing by senior public servants is highly unusual” and that he could “not recall any other instance of such public disagreement.” Is it “an outlier”? Yes, and “suspensions without pay are also rare”.
“It is a very strong measure to suspend without pay while a process is under way and no conclusions have been reached. Usually, disciplinary measures follow an investigation being completed and suspension with pay is more common in the early stages,” he said.
“It is also a very strong measure to suspend or permanently revoke a security clearance. It is tantamount to removing someone from that job and any other job that requires that level of clearance. It is not a common occurrence.”
Your decisions at the CBSA, as directed and delivered to the other ministries these two individuals have worked for, have destroyed their lives, and Canadians deserve an answer. Parliamentarians deserve an answer as to why due process was not provided to them and why very draconian measures were taken against them, so I'm asking a number of questions. Whom did you speak with on suspending the two public servants on the $54-million ArriveCAN app?
:
When I was looking through my emails, the best way I would describe it—and the memories that were refreshed—is that the airports were clogged with people trying to fill out paper forms. People then had garbage bags full of these paper forms, and they'd have to digitize them so that the information could be passed to the provinces.
You might recall that, at some point, provinces were looking at checking in on people to see if they were okay. They were trying to make sure that they were enforcing mandatory isolation. Initially, it was done on a sampling basis, and then it moved to something more persistent. I think the initial piece at the airport, as well, was complicated because you had all these people getting off an airplane all at the same time, and they were concerned, quite frankly, of a superspreading event happening while they were waiting, doing the paper process.
It was logical to sort of look for some way to capture this information in advance, if possible. There was a web-based version of this, as well, for people who didn't have a mobile app so that we could capture that very simple information, give it to the provinces, and also allow the Public Health Agency of Canada to do the analytics—to say, “This person came from this country. This is what variant that turned out to be, following the testing.” It was much more sophisticated and much more effective than a paper process.
:
I don't have those details, but I remember your asking me a similar question on December 8, 2022, when I first appeared. I think that, at the time, the estimate was that the processing of a paper form was about $3 per form and that the application was.... I think we talked about 60 million people using the application or 60 million travellers. That worked out to about 65 cents per form.
I want to take the opportunity, if I may, in terms of the cost of this.... Unlike all of the other references that this committee has heard on what an app costs to develop, we did not know the requirements at the time. We did not have the luxury of weeks of thinking about how we wanted to situate this, what the true business requirements were, and what data we had.
As you can appreciate from my remarks, what we were dealing with was a million different things at once, quite frankly. This constantly evolved as we brought in new measures, and the Public Health Agency, along with our provincial counterparts, tried to prevent the spread of the disease based on what was coming into the country. That's where we tried to help them. These references that we could have done an app cheaper than this.... It was not the same situation by any means whatsoever.
You talk about your concern about the integrity of the investigation, but you have told this committee—you've chosen to publicly testify—that you believe Mr. Utano and Mr. MacDonald have behaved inappropriately. You have said that on the record at the same time as claiming you don't want to compromise the investigation.
You made the decision to send those letters immediately after they gave testimony at this committee critical of you. If you won't answer my question, I hope the committee will agree with me to order the production of that preliminary statement of fact that you sent to superiors of Mr. MacDonald and Mr. Utano.
I put it to the committee that we order the production of those documents with 48 hours. That's not a question. That's for the chair.
I think I'm out of time.
:
Ms. O'Gorman, I'm going to ask you my question about language.
It was said that English was a requirement. I won't go through the whole introduction again, but when I saw that, I thought to myself that, for C, C+ and C# languages, an expert can be French‑speaking.
An expert from Quebec or another Canadian province may not express themselves perfectly in English. In fact, I know people who are entirely English‑speaking who make mistakes, and not just one per square kilometre.
Why require English when your public servants are supposed to be bilingual, understand both languages and be able to communicate with suppliers in both languages?
I would just like to remind our whole committee about the Treasury Board contracting policy. Ideally, we want government contracting to be conducted “in a manner that will stand the test of public scrutiny in matters of prudence and probity, facilitate access, encourage competition, and reflect fairness in the spending of public funds”. In other words, we want it to be fair, open and transparent.
Mr. Ossowski, in your view, has scrutiny of the ArriveCAN procurement process or allegations of wrongdoing from Botler revealed any shortcomings of the federal integrity regime for public procurement?
I'll go back to my previous line of questioning.
Ms. O'Gorman, I think you understand that when it comes to issues of conflict of interest, public servants have to avoid the reality and the appearance of conflict of interest. I think a similar principle would apply to professional retaliation. It's important to avoid the reality and the appearance of people facing professional retaliation for speaking to this committee. By analogy, sometimes the horse's head is in the bed just because it's a convenient place to put it, but more often than not, it might be interpreted as a message.
We had at this committee, on November 7, Mr. MacDonald testifying that you and CBSA lied about who was responsible for choosing GC Strategies. Twenty days after that, they received a letter saying they were under investigation. This was a new letter to them. About a month after that, they were advised that you had made the decision that their legal fees would not be covered.
You can tell us that this was not professional retaliation for their testimony before the committee. Whether it was purely intended as retaliation or not requires us to assess your motivation, which is something that's obviously difficult to do externally. But don't you think it obviously looks like retaliation, and would likely have the effect of chilling public servants who would otherwise be interested and willing to come before this committee to give honest and frank testimony? Doesn't the fact that so shortly after their testimony, you made the decision to pull the support for their legal fees, and they received a letter saying they were under investigation, which led to their being suspended from their jobs without pay, have at least the appearance of professional retaliation against them and their careers as a result of testimony they gave to the government operations committee?
:
Yes, you approved their legal fees before they appeared and they're coming back to this committee.
Ms. Erin O'Gorman: Can I just get back to my response?
Mr. Garnett Genuis: I'll give it to you in a moment.
They came to this committee. They were supported with their legal fees before they appeared, but after you heard what they said, you pulled their support. The next time they come before this committee, they will not have the support for their legal fees as a result of the decision you made, because now you know what they're going to say. Is that not the case now?
We've talked a lot and we've kind of gone in circles a little bit on some of these questions today.
I really want to thank our witnesses for your patience, for your tenacity. It hasn't been easy.
I also would like to caution some of our colleagues on the committee for some of the harshness of their words and insinuations. We really need to be careful about how we conduct ourselves, and we need to treat our witnesses with respect, because they've given their time to come here today.
Again, I think each of us wants to get to the bottom of this. I think that's the point of what we're trying to do, and I think it can be done in a manner that's becoming of parliamentarians.
In saying that, Ms. O'Gorman, I asked Mr. Ossowski if he would have done anything different during that experience. You're here in the seat now. You're in this important role. You've already initiated some key changes around procurement moving forward, which I think is great. Are there any other lessons that you can take away from this?
:
I think every day the people of CBSA are doing outstanding work.
I'm very concerned about the public nature of this investigation. I ask myself whether anything could have been done.
It was duly provided to the professional standards people, who have undertaken an investigation. I've assured myself that the process is consistent with any investigations they would undertake in the CBSA; I need the people of the agency to have confidence in these processes. That is my absolute preoccupation.
We have discussions about accountability, about values and ethics. The people of the CBSA are doing excellent work, and it's an organization of accountability. People in the CBSA—frontline officers—take decisions every day, and they have those decisions tested in court. It's an organization that understands accountability.
I'm trying to get to the bottom of what happened. I'm impatient to do so, and I regret that the people involved have to have the added stress of the public aspect of this. I look forward to a final investigation and, as I've said, I will take any additional actions that support any of the findings of that.
First I want to complete the comment I wanted to make earlier.
When we establish as a language requirement that it's mandatory to be anglophone and that bilingualism is optional, we send French‑Canadian or Quebec experts, who are usually bilingual, the message that, no matter how good they are in both languages, it will probably never be enough.
Canada is willing to do without a potentially world‑class expert in any subject. Indeed, this requirement to speak English is common, not just in IT; I've seen it everywhere. So Canada is prepared to do without an expert because, according to the government, the expert doesn't speak the “right language”. That's how it's repeatedly interpreted, not just in IT, but elsewhere too.
We have to be sensitive to that, because experts don't just speak one language. There are Spanish or Japanese experts who don't speak English and who still do high‑level IT work. I just wanted to make that comment.
That said, is it usual to see the same teams working with the same suppliers, as we see in the case of Botler AI and ArriveCAN? Is that typical, given the nature of these contracts?
First, the deadline is today. We know there are 200,000 businesses that the CFIB has identified that just can't repay the loan and won't be able to meet the deadline today. These are businesses that closed their doors to protect public health.
You've heard me at committee, citing that the PBO costed out what the one-year extension would cost. It's roughly a 4.2% decrease of outsourcing costs to the highly paid consulting firms that are getting contracts with the government. This is outsourcing that doubled under the Conservative government when they were in power and has gone up fourfold under the Liberal government.
A 4.2% decrease in outsourcing would cover the cost of the extension. Small businesses and their workers are the backbone of the Canadian economy. They provide good-paying jobs. They're jobs with flexibility and familiarity that aren't possible in many corporate settings and jobs in rural and remote places, where other work just isn't available. They aren't giant businesses full of corporate headquarters in Courtenay or Bowser.
Many of my constituents are employed by small and medium-sized businesses. They hold up the local economy, provide essential goods and services, and give locals much greater commerce options. In every community in Canada, small and medium-sized businesses are essential to the culture and community. They sell local goods. They provide community centre services. They offer meeting places and celebration spots. They offer artists a chance to share their work and fund their passion.
During the pandemic, like I said, small businesses around the country stepped up. They closed their doors to protect public health. They lost income for long periods to save Canadian lives. They took on losses to keep their workers employed.
It's not just COVID. They've faced so many hardships in the last few years, from supply chain issues to climate emergencies like the fires in my riding of Courtenay—Alberni. Many of these small businesses were already operating on razor-thin margins. With so much lost revenue over the last few years, they need help catching up.
They closed their doors to protect public health. Many of them took on losses to keep their workers employed. Communities, especially rural ones, depend on local business, and so do the people employed by them. The CEBA program has been an absolute lifeline for these businesses, and we need to make sure that it doesn't turn into an even worse hardship for them.
Data from the CFIB, like I said, found that losing the forgivable portion puts the future of up to 200,000 small businesses in jeopardy. It found that only one-third of the businesses say they have the money to repay their loans for today's deadline. One-third say they don't have the money and they plan to borrow, which is extremely costly to them. One-third say they don't have the money and can't secure a loan. Extending the deadline would give these businesses one more year to keep reducing their principal without being burdened by ever-increasing....
If the Liberals keep refusing to extend the deadline with the forgivable portion intact, these businesses will have to find even more money to spend on interest. That will force them to make hard choices that could put their workers' jobs at risk.
The Liberals have been outright refusing this extension and the Conservatives have been absolutely silent. It seems like they both don't want to admit the truth out loud. They don't want to support small businesses right now, but they have no problem helping rich corporations live high on the hog.
Instead, the deadline needs to be extended to allow them to spend the money they need on scaling up, keeping their workers employed and making investments that benefit their local economies. We can't fully calculate the economic and social benefits of these businesses remaining open and putting that money into their businesses and communities, instead of interest payments, but we know it's huge.
I'm asking the committee to support this motion in support of small business people in their riding and doing the right thing. If they go to any restaurant in their riding, they're going to find it's having challenges recovering from COVID-19. Many businesses in the hospitality industry have not even made a dent in repaying their loans. They're just finding their feet now.
I'm urging the committee to support this motion.
I appreciate the NDP putting forward a motion that reaffirms and describes the CEBA program—and its importance—which was brought forth to help hundreds of thousands of businesses keep afloat during a time of tremendous uncertainty during the pandemic. I have a few amendments that I have already discussed with Mr. Johns, and I would like to submit them to the clerk. I will submit them in both English and French. I would prefer to move them in a block, but I'm prepared to move them separately as well.
My first amendment is to note that businesses are still recovering from the aftermath of COVID and to note that the government has previously extended the CEBA deadline twice. I would add the words “in Canada risk closing”, and then remove “that” and add “due to the economic aftershocks of the COVID pandemic”. I would add the word “deadline” and the words “for a third time”. I can elaborate further when I read it in full.
My second amendment would be to add the language of reaffirming the value of CEBA and calling for a government response to report to the House. It would add at the end of the motion “and reaffirms the value of these programs to small business owners, and Canadians across the country, and that the committee call for a government response to its report.”
My third amendment acknowledges the actions of Conservatives over the course of the pandemic and the continued scapegoating of pandemic programs as drivers of inflation. It would add “for a third time, given the fact that we've extended it twice before, and given the Conservative leadership's description of pandemic supports like CEBA as 'big fat government programs' and numerous occasions on which the Conservative Party of Canada voted against pandemic support programs that supported Canadians and Canadian businesses”.
I would be happy to move these amendments as a block for the sake of time, but I'm also prepared to do them separately, Mr. Chair.
I'd like to address a couple of things that are happening.
First, we have this kind of manufactured disagreement between two coalition partners. If these issues around small business were priorities for the NDP they could have or should have put these things forward as part of their coalition deal. It would be a welcome change if this government started paying attention to the concerns of small businesses. We know that small businesses have been treated brutally under this government.
The disdain this government has shown goes back to calling small businesses tax cheats. The 's own words, in fact, suggest that many small businesses are simply, in many cases, wealthy Canadians trying to avoid taxes. He knows a thing or two about wealthy Canadians trying to avoid taxes normally, but in this case he's dead wrong, of course. Small businesses are the lifeblood of our economy, and small businesses, taxpayers and Canadians of all backgrounds have experienced the pain associated with the radical economic agenda of the NDP-Liberal government.
Of course I have a great deal to say on that subject. I would also add that the proposal from Mr. Sousa to require a government response to this report is not about actually getting a government response. It's about inserting a 120-day delay before this issue can be considered by the House in a concurrence motion, which Mr. Sousa or whoever made this recommendation to him knows.
The idea that there's some urgency for us to pass this today, that this committee needs to vote on this motion today is not going to impact the timeline, because if the government were going to extend it, the government would need to extend it. The government has, by all indications, chosen not to do it. This is not a government that listens to small business. The best we could hope for through this process would be that this would be reported to the House. It wouldn't be reported to the House substantially after the deadline. Certainly, if Mr. Sousa were successful with his amendment, the earliest time the House could pronounce itself on this matter would be months and months from now.
This is being done at a time when, unfortunately, our ability to ask critical questions to very senior public servants who are under a cloud of significant suspicion has been limited. I'm happy to debate this government's economic agenda and how poorly they've treated small businesses, but we have an urgent matter related to the ArriveCAN situation. It's an urgent matter that follows not only $54 million spent on an app but also the RCMP investigating some of the related contractors, with middlemen receiving large amounts of money for no work. It's also senior public servants accusing each other of lying and apparent retaliation for testimony given at parliamentary committees.
In that vein, Mr. Chair, I want to identify not just that I think it is time as part of these hearings that we hear from ministers. I know I can't move a motion and I don't think you need a motion for that, but significant questions have been raised in this discussion among public servants that need to be answered by ministers. I hope you would choose at some point soon to invite the Minister of Public Safety, the Minister of the Treasury Board, and the Minister of Public Services and Procurement to appear before the committee and help us unravel some of the contradictions we've heard among senior public servants. Also, we'd like to find out to what extent they have been privy to the conversations around ArriveCAN and some of the retaliatory actions taken against public servants.
I also hope at some point we will be able to hear from the minister at the time, Mr. Mendicino.
Mr. Chair, over the course of this hearing I have been reflecting on things related to the issues around retaliation against public servants.
I would like to raise a question of privilege. You can advise me on the appropriate procedure around this, Mr. Chair. My view is that it is a critical privilege of committees and of parliamentarians to be able to call witnesses and hear from witnesses, and for those witnesses to be able to present their information without being subject to retaliation and intimidation. When witnesses are subject to retaliation and intimidation, it limits the rights and privileges of committees because it constrains our ability to actually hear and receive accurate and truthful testimony.
It's clear to me from the series of events we have seen, if not direct, intentional retaliation, certainly a strong appearance of retaliation, which will cast a chill on the ability of this committee to hear from public servants. We want to be able to have public servants come before the committee and simply tell us what they're hearing. I think now that is going to be constrained as a result of the fact that senior public servants have retaliated against those who have given direct and frank testimony. I think this is a matter that does touch on the privilege of members of Parliament, so I want to put that on the record as well.
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We'll resume debate on Mr. Sousa's amendment after we have dealt with the issue of privilege.
Mr. Genuis has raised a question of privilege. The House of Commons Procedure and Practice, third edition, page 1060, describes my role as chair of the committee in entertaining a question of privilege.
The Chair of a committee does not have the power to rule on questions of privilege; only the Speaker has that power. If a member wishes to raise a question of privilege during a committee meeting, or an incident rises in connection with the committee's proceedings that may constitute a breach of privilege, the committee Chair allows the member to explain the situation.
I will do that in a moment.
The Chair then determines whether the question raised in fact relates to parliamentary privilege. If the Chair determines that the question does relate to parliamentary privilege, the committee may then consider presenting a report on the question to the House.
Mr. Genuis has referred to allegations that the campaign of retaliation and intimidation against the two individuals who have appeared as witnesses at our committee, Mr. MacDonald and Mr. Utano, is in connection with the evidence they have given to committee. Bosc and Gagnon, on page 115, explains that.
Just as prima facie cases of privilege have been found for the intimidation of Members and their staff, the intimidation of a committee witness has also been found to be a prima facie breach of privilege.
I'm satisfied that Mr. Genuis has raised a matter that relates to parliamentary privilege. Accordingly, I invite him to move the motion and speak on it. However, before I do, I will suggest that we dismiss our witnesses, Ms. O'Gorman and Mr. Ossowski, so that we can attend to this privilege issue.
Witnesses, thank you for joining us again.
Mr. Genuis, please go ahead.
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Mr. Johns, I'm sorry to interrupt you. I understand what you're saying. We will get back to the motion immediately, hopefully, if we can dispose of the question of privilege.
Unfortunately for this case, under our rules, the question of privilege and the issue around the intimidation of a witness have to take precedence, but the rules do state that as soon as we can deal with this as a very simple motion from Mr. Genuis, we will return immediately, and, hopefully, today—because we do have resources and we can continue for a bit longer on Mr. Sousa's amendment—to your very important motion, and I do take note of the date of January 18.
We have Mr. Sousa on the question of privilege.
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First, I want the opportunity to respond to Mr. Genuis about the fact that today at OGGO, we're having an emergency meeting about studying an urgent matter. As I said, we've spent an hour and 57 minutes discussing this matter. We met specifically today and yesterday, on constituency weeks, because it's so urgent. This is an urgent matter for those 200,000 businesses facing this deadline today. This could cost hundreds of thousands of jobs.
I know the Conservatives don't support CEBA. They should just come out and say it. On merchant fees, they fought hard. They did not stand up for lowering merchant fees for small businesses. They sat idle on that. They lowered corporate taxes by 5% for large corporations, but only 1% for small businesses. I know this. I was a small business owner and I ran a chamber of commerce. They should come clean on this.
I hope they will support this amendment and this motion, and that we can support small businesses.
I'd like to move to call the vote on the amendment right now.
This has been really disappointing, I have to say. I was very clear.
I'm sorry; I'll just stand back here. I've been away for four weeks, and I've missed committees so much. Now I'm excited.
We had an opportunity today to do two things at once: to recognize the important issues raised by my privilege motion and also to deal with Mr. Johns' motion.
I put forward a privilege motion because I believe that the privileges of members of Parliament are now under threat. They are under threat because we have a situation in which people came before our committee and provided frank and candid testimony in which they were critical of other public servants and, indirectly, a minister. They did so in response to questions that were asked. They weren't particularly critical in their opening statements, as I recall, but they gave frank answers in response to frank questions.
Immediately after that, those individuals were subject to severe retaliation: the extremely rare situation of public servants' being suspended without pay. This is what happened to Mr. MacDonald and Mr. Utano. We're concerned about what this does for them, but this particularly raises significant questions about the integrity of our democratic processes.
We have been trying to get to the bottom of what happened in the ArriveCAN scandal. We have had people, public servants and consultants repeatedly lying and accusing each other of lying before this committee. Creating an environment in which witnesses can appear and can speak the truth and be protected while they speak the truth is going to be our only way of getting to the bottom of what happened. As such, I raised a privilege question, which, according to the rules—which I did not make up—takes precedence over the motion that was on the floor. I intended to do that in my final round of questions. However, Mr. Johns moved a motion beforehand.
Mr. Johns says that he wants his motion on CEBA dealt with. Well, if we had gone to the vote and had passed the motion related to recognizing the abuse of privilege that took place, then we would have immediately returned to Mr. Johns' motion. I certainly would have been favourably disposed to wanting to work collaboratively on that.
Mr. Johns chose to throw in his lot with the increasingly evidently corrupt Liberal government in choosing to bury that question of privilege. Liberals and New Democrats voted together to kill that question of privilege, which means that we will not be able to proceed, at least on that particular question of privilege, and address this issue moving forward. It is gravely concerning to me that we have Liberals and New Democrats trying to bury this issue of retaliation against public servants who speak out. It suggests to me that Liberals and New Democrats don't want to get to the bottom of what happened with ArriveCAN. They don't want public servants to feel comfortable telling the truth. Instead, they want public servants to feel intimidated, to worry for their jobs, and to, therefore, come here and toe the party line.
That's not what I want. What I want is public servants feeling that they can be frank and honest and that, when they're frank and honest before a committee, they will be protected. It was clear to me today from the testimony that we received—from the witnesses that were before us—that they could provide no explanation for why witnesses, immediately after they appeared before this committee, received letters telling them that they were under a cloud of investigation. Subsequently, they had support for their legal fees pulled. Now they are on leave without pay.
We have retaliation against public servants who come before committee and try to provide frank answers to clear questions. What is the government trying to hide and bury on this?
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Chair, although it wasn't a point of order, I will respond to what Mr. Johns said.
Conservatives on this committee are committed to getting to the truth and to establishing the conditions in which witnesses can come and deliver frank testimony, in which hopefully they deliver honest testimony, in which, yes, they can be asked hard and tough questions. I think Conservatives have asked tough questions of every witness who has appeared before this committee. We've pressed Mr. MacDonald on his claims. We pressed Mr. Doan on his claims. We pressed Mr. Firth, and so on and so forth.
It's not about being for or against one witness or another witness. We believe, though, that every witness should be protected in their ability to come before this committee, to receive appropriate support in the process and to not be subject to retaliation after that. If a witness comes here under conditions such that they worry about employment consequences for telling the truth, then we have a grave problem for the health of our democracy.
I think what ArriveCAN revealed is that we do have a grave problem for the health of our democracy.
We have Liberals and New Democrats working together, prepared to prevent questions of privilege of parliamentarians from being considered and going forward. The idea that this was about getting to CEBA.... We were already on the vote. Whatever happened at the vote, it was going to be done after that anyway. Mr. Johns still chose to vote against the privilege motion, so he has to be held accountable for being part of this cover-up, part of failing to support our motion to actually allow this issue to be properly considered.
Further to that, we have these amendments.
Mr. Sousa was a finance minister in Ontario at one time, and I'd certainly be happy to discuss the record of the Wynne government when it came to negative impacts on small business. I wonder if some of my Ontario colleagues will have things to add to that. He has put in this motion and tried to make it partisan by adding obvious nonsense, political-attack language.
It's clear that the Liberals would rather be purveying these kinds of attacks than allowing the committee to continue to do the important work it has been doing on ArriveCAN or doing the necessary work towards achieving consensus around this issue.
Just to reiterate, in terms of the timelines on CEBA, extending the CEBA loan deadline is a decision that would have to be taken by the Government of Canada. The executive would have to take that decision. Nothing this committee could do would prevent the government from making that decision one way or the other. Small businesses that are concerned about any aspect of the agenda of this government, including the CEBA extension, need to know that it is the Liberal government that is responsible for setting and maintaining this deadline. It is the Liberal government, supported through a coalition agreement with the NDP.
Mr. Johns wants to be up on a high horse and say that we need things for small business. The Liberals are ignoring small business. He needs to go talk to his leader, his House leader, and he needs to ask them why they continue to give the Liberals a blank cheque
Why is the NDP so terrified of facing voters that they will give Liberals a blank cheque? That's what this really comes down to. Mr. Johns can say all he wants about motions at committee, but it is a decision of the executive whether or not it will grant this extension. It depends only on the House insofar as the House decides whether or not it has confidence in the executive.
Our position is clear as it relates to confidence. We do not have confidence in this government. We have voted non-confidence, I think, more or less, at every opportunity we've had. We did it hundreds of times in the fall, and the opposition is clear: We do not have confidence in this government. We think Canada needs a new government.
The NDP members have a different position. The NDP members have confidence in the government and they repeatedly vote confidence in the government in spite of their crocodile tears over the impacts of this government's policies on small businesses.
I would challenge the NDP members that if they are serious about wanting to do something for small business, they should join us in expressing non-confidence in the worst government small businesses have ever had to deal with.
Again, anybody who is concerned about the impact of this government's policies on small business should join us in voting non-confidence in a government that has been the worst for small business of any government in Canadian history. The NDP members will not do that but will instead try to cover for their failures.